Chapter 24 - Family and Community

24. Family and Community
Family and community are highly valued aspects of Labrador and Newfoundland society. This Chapter examines the environmental effects of the Project on families and communities in the Labrador North Coast, Upper Lake Melville, Western Labrador, Eastern Labrador and the Labrador Straits. The existing environment with respect to family and community in the North Coast communities, and the analysis of environmental effects that the Project has on these communities is presented first, followed by discussion of the other areas of Labrador and a brief discussion for the Province as a whole.

24.1 Existing Environment - Labrador North Coast

Northern Labrador's Inuit and Innu communities are ethnically and culturally distinct from other areas of Labrador and Newfoundland. This, combined with the region's limited physical connections (i.e., a lack of road connections, coastal boat service for about six-months and air service year-round) to other areas of Labrador or the province, has contributed to the development of close family and social relationships in these communities. Residents value the intimacy, cooperation and serenity found in the North Coast communities.

The Project has arisen at a key time in the history of this area. As in many of Canada's northern communities, there are few permanent jobs in the North Coast communities and populations have been growing faster than the capacity of the local economy to generate earned income. For decades most residents have relied on a combination of income from harvesting activities, seasonal or casual employment and transfer payments to make a living (Chapter 22). However, in recent years, the loss of seal pelt markets, the moratorium on Northern Cod, and a decline in Atlantic salmon and Arctic charr catches have drastically reduced the ability of most residents to gain a livelihood from the resources around them. As a result, access to Employment Insurance has also declined since many fishers and plant workers no longer qualify (Chapter 21 and Chapter 22). It might be expected that loss of income from these sources would leave residents more dependent on subsistence hunting and fishing. Ironically, individuals with low incomes are much less able to hunt and fish effectively because they are unable to afford fuel and equipment. This has left many dependent on income support payments, at a time when governments are trying to reduce such expenditures (Chapter 20).

"… much of the failure of responsibility that contributes to the current imbalance and distress in Aboriginal life centres around the family" (Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples 1994:9).

For many residents, the overall effect has been a decline in their ability to support their families. This has had predictable effects in terms of a loss of confidence and self-esteem, contributing to alcohol abuse, family violence, and poor emotional and physical health. Until recently many young people, who comprise a large proportion of northern Labrador's population, saw little hope of improvement in this situation. A bleak outlook for youth has been reflected in a high incidence of suicide and attempted suicide in several North Coast communities.

At the same time, it must be stressed that family and cultural values are resilient in northern Labrador and many residents cherish the lifestyle their land allows. Labrador Inuit and Innu organizations have begun healing efforts to address the many problems experienced in these communities. It is in this context that people generally look on the Project with a mixture of fear and hope (Williamson 1996; Innu Nation Task Force on Mining Activities 1996). They fear the possible environmental and social effects and worry about their ability to effectively control the consequences that such a large Project may have on their lives. At the same time, they hope the Project will boost the North Coast economy and ease the effects of poverty on health and family.

24.1.1 Environmental Assessment Boundaries

Project employment and spending may affect family and community life within the Labrador North Coast and in other areas of Labrador and Newfoundland. The first half of this chapter (Sections 24.1-24.3) will include environmental effects predictions for the Labrador North Coast.

The Labrador North Coast area, as defined for this assessment, includes the Town of Nain, and the communities of Utshimassits, Hopedale, Makkovik, Postville, Rigolet and Sheshatshiu (Figure 21.1). While geographically Sheshatshiu is in the Upper Lake Melville area and, as such, is discussed together with Happy Valley-Goose Bay, North West River and Mud Lake, it is also considered in the discussion of the North Coast area. This is due to the fact that the community has an almost entirely Innu population and will be one of the communities subject to Impact and Benefits Agreement (IBA) provisions. The intent of this dual coverage is to facilitate a coherent consideration of the issues with respect to Labrador's Aboriginal population.

24.1.1.1 Administrative Boundaries

Many factors related to the quality of family and community are within the jurisdiction of provincial and federal departments and agencies; for example, police, social services, health and education. As is detailed in Chapter 23, in Aboriginal and northern communities funding and delivery arrangements for these services typically involve both federal and provincial government agencies. The federal departments of Health and Indian Affairs and Northern Development have long been involved in northern and Aboriginal health programs, and have directly or indirectly funded most health-related services and programs in Labrador's Aboriginal communities. In addition, the involvement of Aboriginal organizations in delivering and managing health and social programs has increased, as responsibility for various programs has been devolved to Aboriginal organizations.

Despite the range of agencies that affect family and community, there are no administrative boundaries directly affecting the analysis of effects on family and community. The boundaries (or service regions) for the various departments, agencies and boards overseeing services and infrastructure in the various regions were discussed in Chapter 23.

24.1.1.2 Technical Boundaries

Information on families and community life in the North Coast communities is drawn from a range of federal, provincial, municipal and Aboriginal sources. Data on population and family structure, and income were drawn from census material compiled by Statistics Canada. Population, age, gender and family characteristic data from the 1996 Census of Canada were used. However, income data from the 1996 census were not available, and data from the 1991 census were used. Also, Statistics Canada combines census data for the Innu community of Sheshatshiu with the non-Innu community of Mud Lake, which affects the discussion of the situation in each community.

Statistics Canada census data for the North Coast communities, especially those regarding work and income, are sometimes questionable. The discussion of work is generally limited to paid employment, while income is used to refer to money. Many northern families derive a large part of their livelihood from activities such as subsistence hunting, fishing, berry-picking and wood-cutting that generate no cash. Census data often do not accurately reflect a highly-mobile population, many of whom speak only their Aboriginal language. Moreover, census and other government administrative data tend to concentrate on nuclear families and pay little attention to the extended families typical of northern societies. As a result, these data pose limitations when examining the Labrador North Coast.

Information on crime, family violence and health were gathered from agencies such as the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP), social service agencies and health care boards and agencies. Social services data from the Department of Human Resources and Employment (formerly the Department of Social Services) posed some concern with respect to giving a true picture of the current level of use of social service agencies. While records are kept by the department, data are not regularly tabulated and were only compiled at the request of the study team. Also, the department's reporting format changed in October 1993, making comparisons of data difficult (Alton Mackey 1995).

Data on the health status of northern Labrador residents are limited by small sample sizes and differences in reporting from one community to another. Primary data are available on suicide, diet, hospital admissions, causes of hospitalization and reproductive health.

24.1.2 Methods

Assessing the effects of the Project on family and community life involved examining existing conditions in the North Coast communities and analyzing the potential effects of the Project. Baseline data were gathered from a variety of sources, including Statistics Canada and various other federal and provincial government departments and agencies, non-government agencies, LIA, Innu Nation, Labrador Inuit Health Commission (LIHC) and Innu Health Commission.

Key individuals in various agencies were contacted to update information and fill data gaps. The analysis used information gathered VBNC's public consultation and issues scoping exercise to identify and address concerns of community residents. Where possible, information was collected on the current status of, and prospects for, family and community life, social and health problems in the North Coast communities, and options for addressing future problems.

VBNC also initiated a number of research projects to provide up-to-date information on community demographics, conditions and health to increase its understanding of affected communities and the effectiveness of its socioeconomic follow-up program (Chapter 4) and policies (Chapters 3 and 4).

The literature on the environmental effects of large industrial projects on family and community life, including health, was also consulted. Special emphasis was placed on developing an understanding of the environmental effects of industrial projects, and especially commute operations, on Aboriginal communities in Canada, Alaska and Australia.

The environmental effects assessment is based on a review of the Project and how it will affect the existing environment. Estimates of Project environmental effects are mostly of a qualitative nature, given the nature, availability and quality of data and the issues under discussion.

There are few specifics as to the cumulative environmental effects on individual communities. This is a result of the high levels of uncertainty about such factors as the number of Project employees living in each community, the success of each in attracting Project-related business, the specifics of the IBAs, and the ways the Innu Nation and LIA will choose to implement them in specific communities.

24.1.3 Existing Conditions

Family and community life on the Labrador North Coast have not been easy for the Labrador Inuit and Innu. The Innu settled in permanent communities between the late 1950s and mid-1960s (Chapter 20). Access to schools and health clinics carried a high price, as residents still struggle to reconcile a hunting culture with a sedentary life. In Utshimassits and Sheshatshiu, illness, alcoholism, accidental death and suicide illustrate the difficulty of the transition.

Many individuals and families in the Labrador Inuit and Kablunangajuit communities face similar problems. The Labrador Inuit are a coastal people and in Labrador, they have had more than 200 years in most communities to adjust to the impact of western culture.

"Life in the community [Utshimassits] is characterized by social and economic collapse, by political factionalism, alcohol and chemical abuse, family violence, loss of meaning and self-identity" (Armitage 1989).

Adjusting to settlement life was particularly difficult for the former residents of Nutak and Hebron, located north of Nain, who were resettled to Nain, Hopedale, Makkovik and North West River in 1956 and 1959. Government and church authorities abandoned these communities primarily for administrative convenience and with little consultation with residents (Brice-Bennett 1977). With stores, schools and churches closing, people had no choice but to move. For many families, abandoning familiar hunting and fishing territories and moving hundreds of kilometres to the south was disruptive, particularly since seal hunting and charr fishing had been more productive further north. The move from Hebron, in particular, was rushed and left a legacy of family and social turmoil in its wake.

"The family is the foundation of Inuit culture, society and economy. All our social and economic structures, customary laws, traditions and actions have tried to recognize and affirm the strength of the family unit. Only positive constructive action by community governments and families and individuals can help recover our vision and zest for life" (Henoch Obed, Labrador Inuit Alcohol and Drug Abuse Program, Nain, quoted in Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples 1994:11).

Despite such problems, and the repercussions of unemployment and poverty, there are strong family bonds and many rewarding aspects to life in northern Labrador. Partly because of a housing shortage, but also frequently by choice, three generations of a family often live in the same house. Children often live with grandparents, and the Labrador Inuit practice of "custom adoption," where a childless aunt or sister raises a new child, is still common. This sharing of responsibility for children strengthens the ties among extended family members.

Sharing is highly valued in both Innu and Labrador Inuit cultures (Chapter 20). For hunters, there was great status and satisfaction in being able to share the proceeds of a hunt with neighbours and extended family. While sharing has declined, both the Inuit and Innu cultures still value the tradition of sharing and cooperation.

There is quite a lot of physical labour involved in basic living in the three most northern communities. A few houses in Nain, most houses in Utshimassits and a portion of those in Hopedale do not have running water or flush toilets. Family members must carry water from private or community wells and dispose of sewage where they can. The majority of houses in the other three communities rely on piped water and sewer systems or private wells and septic systems. Most houses in this region use oil and/or wood heating. With domestic wood cutting occurring at a distance from the communities, there is a great deal of labour involved in obtaining a supply of wood.

One very common feature of life in a small community is the existence of a small group of extremely busy individuals. Typically, in northern Labrador, people who are bilingual and educated are often sought. Not only are they likely to be among the minority with full-time jobs, they are usually also in demand for positions on the community council and various political, cultural or development boards and organizations, as well as church, recreation and service groups. The result is that the human resources of the community are often stretched very thin. A demanding and complex new issue places further pressures on community leaders, or results in other commitments receiving less attention.

24.1.3.1 Population Structure

Statistics Canada data for all six North Coast communities indicate a growing population base in the Labrador North Coast between 1981 to 1991, but data for 1996 indicate a declining population except in Hopedale, which had a population increase of 14.8 percent (Appendix 24A, Table 1). However, there are issues regarding the quality of these data. For example, they indicate a 1996 population of 996 in Nain, a decline of 6.8 percent since 1991 (Appendix 24A, Table 1). However, a house-to-house survey conducted in December 1996, found a population of 1,209 (an increase of 13 percent) (Town Council of Nain 1997). Similar inconstancies are evident for Utshimassits and Sheshatshiu. The Mushuau Innu Band Council (1997) reported a population of 520 for Utshimassits, indicating a population increase of 12 percent between 1991 and 1997. However, Statistics Canada reported a population of 306, indicating a decline of 17 percent between 1991 and 1996. A population of 1,018 was reported by Statistics Canada for Sheshatshiu/Mud Lake. However, the Sheshathsiu Community Health Office (1997) reported a population of 1,183. The latter number indicates a population increase of 29.7 percent over 1991 compared to the 12.2 percent increase reported by Statistics Canada. Both municipal and provincial authorities consider the data from the non-Statistics Canada sources to be more accurate (Goulding, A. pers. comm.). It indicates strong population growth, reflecting the age structure of Nain, Utshimassits and Sheshatshiu (Appendix 24A, Table 2), as well as return migration to Nain resulting from recent mineral exploration.

While the census data are clearly problematic when discussing population totals, they do appear to provide a picture of the population structure generally consistent with information from other sources. In 1996, they show a slightly higher proportion of males than females in the North Coast communities; with males comprising approximately 51 percent of the North Coast population (Appendix 24A, Table 2). This is consistent with that for Labrador where 51 percent of the population was male. Males accounted for half the population in Nain, Makkovik, Sheshatshiu/Mud Lake and a larger proportion of the population in three communities: Hopedale (52 percent), Rigolet (52 percent) and Postville (56 percent). Utshimassits had a larger proportion of females (51 percent).

One of the most striking features of the North Coast population is the high proportion of youth. In 1996, 53.2 percent of the North Coast population was under 25 years of age compared to 42.5 percent of Labrador's total population (Appendix 24A, Table 3). About half the population of these communities was under the age of 25 years: Nain (54 percent), Utshimassits (62 percent), Hopedale (54 percent), Makkovik (45 percent), Rigolet (50 percent) and Postville (49 percent).

The elderly comprise a much smaller proportion of the population. In 1996, the proportion of the North Coast population aged 65 years and older (5 percent) was slightly higher than that for Upper Lake Melville (4 percent) and Labrador (4 percent) (Appendix 24A, Table 3 and Appendix 24C, Table 3). Given the limited housing available in most coastal communities, there are few elderly people living alone.

24.1.3.2 Family Characteristics

In 1996, the census indicated there were a total of 610 census families living in the North Coast communities (Appendix 24A, Table 4). The average family size ranged from 3.5 persons (Postville and Rigolet) to 4.1 persons (Nain and Hopedale), compared to 3.4 in Labrador as a whole. Thirty-two percent of North Coast families contained five or more persons, compared to only 15 percent in Upper Lake Melville and Labrador as a whole (Appendix 24A, Table 4 and Appendix 24C, Table 4).

Lone-parent families were also more common, representing 16 percent of all North Coast families, compared to 13 percent in Upper Lake Melville and 12 percent in Labrador (Appendix 24A, Table 4 and Appendix 24C, Table 4). In all areas, most of these lone percent families were headed by women: North Coast communities (60 percent), Upper Lake Melville (78 percent) and Labrador (76 percent). The 1996 Census data indicate that 43.6 percent of adult (15 years and over) North Coast residents were married (Appendix 24A, Table 5), compared to 52.2 percent and 53.8 percent in Upper Lake Melville and Labrador, respectively (Appendix 24C, Table 5). There were more single (never married) adults in the North Coast communities: 47.8 percent compared to 36.7 percent in Upper Lake Melville and 37.4 percent in Labrador. There were also more widowed persons, but divorce was relatively uncommon. Only 3 percent of adult North Coast residents were divorced, in contrast to 5.2 percent in Upper Lake Melville and 3.7 percent in Labrador as a whole.

24.1.3.3 Family Roles

Traditionally, in hunting societies, men were the providers and women the nurturers of their families. In Labrador, men hunted, trapped and fished, while women processed the meat and fish procured chiefly by men. Women also sewed, looked after children and managed the household (Brice-Bennett 1986). This division of labour was by no means rigid, however. In the country, Innu women harvest small game like partridge and rabbits near camp (Wadden 1991). Men in both Innu and Inuit society assist in raising children and women often fish, in particular ice fishing.

"There is a strong indication that a number of Innu people show a declining interest in actively pursuing harvesting activities" (Armitage 1990:15).

Despite some blurring of gender lines, the traditional role of Innu and Labrador Inuit men was chiefly to bring home the food and train their sons to do the same. For a variety of reasons, this is a great deal more difficult today (Chapter 20). Hunting demands mobility and equipment, the costs of which are largely beyond the means of men who are chronically unemployed. At the same time, compulsory school attendance has forced families to stay in the communities, making it more difficult for parents to teach their children traditional activities. As a result, youths have been deprived of opportunities to learn about their culture, and their respect for parents and elders has been undermined (Brice-Bennett 1986; Wadden 1991).

"Families don't spend enough time out on the land with their children anymore. There is no more consistent show of affection to children, and families are not disciplining their children on a consistent basis any more. We should be going to fishing and hunting camps as a family so that children and parents can communicate more in their own language. The passing on of traditional skills to the child is very important" (Fran Williams, quoted in Pauktuutit 1991:22).

The erosion of traditional parenting roles is a major cause of stress in Aboriginal communities. This stress is compounded by the frustration of unemployment (Alton Mackey 1995) and poverty (Lambert 1979). These factors collectively contribute to alcohol abuse and other social problems (Wadden 1991; Tanner 1990). Declining Innu participation in the traditional economy, as a result of the settlement of Labrador Innu into two permanent communities, led to various health and social consequences (Tanner 1990). However, not all Aboriginal people, given a choice between an exclusive commitment to traditional activities and wage employment, would choose the former. This is particularly common among youths and reflects an ambivalence about their relationship to both the traditional and modern economies (Armitage 1990).

24.1.3.4 Family Income

Family income patterns understandably mirror those shown in the discussion of the economy and individual incomes in Northern Labrador (Chapter 21).

Average census family incomes in the Labrador North Coast communities in 1990 ranged from $20,242 in Utshimassits to $34,301 in Makkovik, while median incomes ranged from $15,488 in Utshimassits to $30,496 in Makkovik (Appendix 24A, Table 6). All were considerably lower than the average ($50,854) and median ($50,044) incomes in Labrador. Even though average and median incomes in the North Coast communities increased between 1985 and 1990, both remained lower than those for Labrador and the province (Appendix 24A, Table 6 and Appendix 24C, Table 6).

The disparity between the North Coast communities and other areas of the province is more striking when considering household size. In the three most northern communities (Nain, Utshimassits and Hopedale) income must provide for households which, in 1991, were 20 percent (Nain and Hopedale) to 40 percent (Uthsimassits) larger than households elsewhere in Labrador, and 27 percent (Nain and Hopedale) to 45 percent (Uthsimassits) larger than households in the province. In the other North Coast communities (Makkovik, Postville and Rigolet), household sizes are 3 percent to 6 percent larger than households in Labrador, and 11 percent to 13 percent larger than households in the province (Statistics Canada 1992).

In 1990, the incidence of low income among private households in North Coast communities ranged from 19.0 percent (Makkovik) to 49.6 percent (Hopedale). The proportion of economic families classified as having low incomes during that year ranged from 15.9 percent (Makkovik) to 49.5 percent (Hopedale). In all North Coast communities for which 1990 data were available, incidences of low income among private households and economic families were greater than values for Labrador (12.4 percent and 10.7 percent, respectively) and the province as a whole (17.0 and 15.8 percent, respectively). In 1990, the incidence of low income among unattached individuals in the North Coast communities ranged from 31.6 percent (Rigolet) to 58.6 percent (Hopedale), as compared with 32.4 percent and 44.5 percent for Labrador and the province as a whole, respectively (Appendix 24A, Table 7 and Appendix 24C, Table 7).

24.1.3.5 Social Problems

The following discussion of social problems first looks at substance abuse since it contributes to and reflects a number of other social problems. Substance abuse is one of the key social and health issues in northern Labrador, and is a critical factor in family violence and other crimes, as well as other social and mental problems. However, there are no specific data on the incidence of substance abuse in northern Labrador (Baikie 1992). In Canada, alcohol is a factor in over 40 percent of violent incidents against women (Statistics Canada 1993). A specific discussion of family violence follows an overview of crime in the North Coast communities. This is followed with a discussion of child protection issues.

Substance Abuse

"I have been drinking now for 20 years. I've been in this house for 21 years. When I am in Sheshatshiu I have a multitude of problems. I can't hunt, I don't like being here. It's not the same feeling as when I'm in the bush, where all my problems seem to go away". (Innu man, quoted in Wadden 1991:72)

The devastating effects of alcoholism in Aboriginal communities must be considered in the context of historical and contemporary factors that have led to the disempowerment of Aboriginal peoples. Across Canada, alcohol has been identified as a major factor in ill-health, family breakdown and community dysfunction in Aboriginal communities. While alcohol may frequently be the "trigger" which sparks antisocial behaviour, sometimes leading to accidental or violent death, there are underlying problems which precipitate these often violent explosions. The Manitoba Aboriginal Justice Inquiry put the relationship between crime and alcohol succinctly: "We do not believe alcohol abuse should be viewed as a cause of Aboriginal crime. Rather, we believe that Aboriginal alcohol abuse arises from the same conditions which have created high Aboriginal crime rates" (Aboriginal Justice Inquiry 1991,p. 88). Labrador people often cite the disruption in traditional activities as a factor contributing to substance abuse.

"Today unemployment is high in their villages, and people are restricted from hunting. Many have tried to drown their boredom and despair with alcohol" (Wadden 1991:5).

Residents of the five Labrador Inuit communities consider alcohol and drug abuse to be a problem (Williamson 1996), as do the Innu (Innu Nation and Mushuau Innu Band Council 1992). Some of the most tragic data on the incidence of alcoholism in the North Coast communities is from Utshimassits. Following a house fire in 1992 that killed six children, the Mushuau Innu began an inquiry into the cause and severity of alcoholism and family breakdown. They found that 47 out of 66 deaths in the community between 1965 and 1992 were alcohol-related. Half the victims were under the age of 20. Of the 168 adults in the community at the time of the study, 31 were chronic alcoholics and 92 others were described as problem drinkers for whom alcohol was interfering with daily life. Another 30 had quit drinking and were active in recovery programs, while eight had quit but were not in treatment. Seven others did not drink but were married to someone who did. Thus, more than 73 percent of the adults had a drinking problem at the time of the survey, and 100 percent were affected through current or past addiction or that of a spouse (Innu Nation Mushuau Innu Band Council 1992). The Department of Social Services (now the Department of Human Resources and Employment) estimated that about 75 percent to 80 percent of the cases they handled in Utshimassits dealt with alcohol or solvent abuse, while Provincial Court Judge James Igloliorte estimates that 90 percent of the court cases in the community result from drinking (Innu Nation and Mushuau Innu Band Council 1992).

So far, efforts to curb alcohol abuse in Utshimassits have had more effect than the measures to deal with solvent abuse. When drinking was at its worst, about 95 percent of families were involved. As of July 1995, adults in about 70 percent of families were reported to be no longer drinking. Among the youth treated in Alberta and Manitoba for solvent abuse, 78 percent relapsed after they returned (Alton Mackey 1995). In contrast to other forms of substance abuse, solvent abuse has more serious and destructive effects on the individual than other forms of substance abuse (Alton Mackey 1995). Solvent abuse causes changes in brain anatomy (Fornazzi et al.1982), and most often involves younger substance abusers (Alton Mackey 1995). Common symptoms of solvent abuse are confusion, disorientation, motor incoordination, memory loss and reduced intellectual performance (Prockop 1978). Wyse (1973) identified social and emotional deprivation in children as a key underlying factor of solvent abuse.

"With a population whose main cultural values were related to hunting, and yet who were largely deprived of this activity and were sustained by nothing more than Social assistance cheques, the predictable result was a decline in health and an epidemic of alcohol abuse, interpersonal violence and suicide" (Tanner, 1990: 265).

While data on the incidence of substance abuse among teens in the province is not available on a community basis, a survey on student drug use in Newfoundland and Labrador conducted by the Department of Health highlights key trends in student drug use for the province (Spurrell 1996). In 1996, the three most common drugs used by students in grades 7, 9, 10 and 12 (within the 12 months immediately prior to the survey) were alcohol (56 percent), tobacco (37 percent) and cannabis (24 percent). Solvents were used by 7.9 percent of students.

In the northern region (i.e. the provincial health region that includes all of Labrador and the northern portion of the Great Northern Peninsula), the incidence of alcohol consumption (58 percent), cigarette smoking (41 percent) and cannabis use (28 percent) were higher than for the province as a whole (Spurrell 1996).

A 1992 Health Promotion Survey found that 47 percent of North Coast residents smoked, while 13 percent were former smokers. North Coast residents, when compared to residents of other areas of Labrador, were least likely to perceive smoking and its effects as a problem (Edge and Froude 1992).

Crime

".... we believe that the relatively higher rates of crime among Aboriginal people are a result of despair, dependency, anger, frustration and sense of injustice prevalent in Aboriginal communities, stemming from the cultural and community breakdown that has occurred over the past century" (Mushuau Innu Band Council and Innu Nation 1993:91).

Crime data for each of the North Coast communities from 1990 to 1995 are summarized in Appendix 24A, Table 8. The number of offences per capita in 1995 for the North Coast as a whole was 0.396, and with regard to individual communities, ranged from 0.036 (Postville) to 0.578 (Utshimassits). When comparing the six North Coast communities, 1995 offenses per capita values were highest in the three most northern communities: Nain (0.541), Utshimassits (0.578) and Hopedale (0.426), as compared with an overall per capita rate of 0.122 for the communities of Makkovik, Postville and Rigolet.

Offenses against persons from 1990-1995 are summarized in Appendix 24A, Table 9. As illustrated, the number of such offences (i.e. homicide, robbery, assault and abduction) per capita for the region as a whole in 1995 was 0.106, ranging from 0.009 (Postville) to 0.228 (Utshimassits). Again, on a per capita basis, offences against persons in Nain (0.132), Utshimassits (0.228) and Hopedale (0.105) were significantly higher than those in the remaining communities. Offences against persons per capita rates in 1995 were highest in Utshimassits (0.228) and Sheshatshiu (0.186).

"And when the offender returns to the community in six months or a year or two years, nothing has changed. The offender usually has the same problem and there has been no reconciliation with the victim. This may not be so important in urban centres but reconciliation is enormously important in our communities which are small and where the victim and the offender must be in contact with each other on a day to day basis" (Ashini 1995).

Both Nain and Hopedale have RCMP detachments, leading to a higher likelihood that offences will be reported. In communities without police detachments, such as Makkovik, Postville and Rigolet, many offences, especially minor ones, go unreported. There is evidence that property crimes are more likely (54 percent) to be reported to police than incidents of violence toward women; this is consistent with national data that indicate that only 40 percent of all crimes are reported to the police. A review of the justice system as it relates to women's issues in Makkovik, Postville and Rigolet found that there was a much higher level of crime occurring in these communities than was actually reported to the RCMP. Instead of contacting them, residents of Makkovik, Postville and Rigolet often rely on other local residents, such as the community or mental health representatives, addictions workers, nurses, clergy, family members or other respected community members, for assistance or protection (Pauktuutit 1996).

Both the Innu and Labrador Inuit have expressed the need to deal with violence in a way that involves healing both the victim and the offender (Alton Mackey 1995; Tanner et al. 1994). Most offenders from the North Coast have little understanding of the provincial justice system, spend their sentences in institutions where no one speaks their language and, when released, they return to small communities where they must interact with their victim on an ongoing basis.

Family Violence

Given the high incidence of family violence in the North Coast communities, this issue is addressed in detail. Family violence refers to all violence that occurs between family members and includes all forms of physical, sexual, emotional, mental, psychological and verbal abuse. Two aspects of family violence of that are of particular importance are wife and child abuse.

While levels of alcohol abuse and social stress in the North Coast communities are high, data from provincial authorities indicate an overall decline in family violence in the past few years. Between 1993 and 1995, these indicate a 23 percent decrease in spousal abuse cases handled by the Department of Human Resources and Employment in the North Coast communities (Appendix 24A, Table 10). However, as is discussed below, there have been inconsistencies in the reporting.

The department's spousal abuse caseloads in August and September 1997 were the highest to date. These high caseloads have been attributed to a public education program, layoffs, the opening of new bars and leniency of the courts (Hayden, E. pers. comm.). Pauktuutit (1996) estimates that the actual incidence of spousal assault in Makkovik, Postville and Rigolet is much higher than reported. For example, in 1994 they note a total of 11 reported incidents of spousal assault in Makkovik and Rigolet. Taking into consideration the fact that only an average 26 percent of women report spousal abuse, the actual number of spousal assault cases is estimated to be 42.

Baikie (1992) noted that almost all cases of physical abuse of women in Northern Labrador involved alcohol. This corresponds with findings at the national level where over 40 percent of incidents of violence towards women involved perpetrators who had been drinking (Statistics Canada 1993).

There was also an overall decline in the number of women and children from North Coast communities going to Libra House, a shelter in Happy Valley-Goose Bay, between 1991 and mid-1995 (Appendix 24A, Table 11). During this period, more women and children from Nain than from other communities used Libra House. Both Nain and Hopedale have safe houses, but they are normally used only as a place to stay when waiting for evacuation to Libra House. An important factor underlying its declining use by women from the North Coast communities is racial tension, with many Inuit and Innu women feeling uncomfortable staying there. However, efforts are being made to address this problem (Murphy, H. pers. comm.). Due to budget cuts, counselling services are no longer offered at Libra House, which poses a concern for North Coast residents using the facility since separation from other family members and the community can be highly stressful (O'Donnell, J. pers. comm.).

Data on the incidence of spousal abuse are of questionable value. A Statistics Canada (1993) survey of violence against women in Canada found that only 14 percent of all violent incidents against women are reported to the police. Wife assaults (26 percent) and other physical violence (28 percent) were more likely to be report than sexual assaults (six percent). Only a small proportion of women (9 percent) who have been victims of violence report using social service agencies. Victims of wife assault are most likely to report the incident or use a social service (38 percent). About 22 percent of all women who have been victims of violence tell no one. Of those women who seek help, most rely on friends, neighbours or family for support and assistance rather than a social service agency (Statistics Canada 1993). Rodgers and MacDonald (1994) indicate that only a small proportion of abused women (13 percent) use shelters. A key reason why many women in Labrador do not report spousal abuse is the court process (Gray, K. pers. comm.).

Child Protection

From 1992 to 1996, the number of children in the care of the Department of Human Resources and Employment rose each year in the North Coast area, with an overall increase of almost 29 percent. From 1992 to 1995 most children in care were from Nain. However, in 1996, 50 percent of them were from Utshimassits (Appendix 24A, Table 12).

Based on the limited amount of available data, the total number of child protection referrals in the North Coast communities decreased between 1992 and 1995, with the sharpest decrease occurring in 1994 (Appendix 24A, Table 13). Most referrals over the four year period were for cases of neglect. In 1994 and 1995, there were no referrals in Utshimassits and Hopedale. Nain also had no referrals in 1994, but had five physical abuse cases in 1991.

The number of children receiving follow-up services in the North Coast communities increased by 31 percent between 1994 and 1995 from 156 to 205 (Appendix 24A, Table 14). Most follow-up services were for cases of neglect. In both 1994 and 1995, there were a higher number of children in Nain receiving follow-up services than in the other North Coast communities.

24.1.3.6 Health

"Health is more than not being sick. Health is being well in body, in mind, in spirit and in community. . . . Health does not exist in isolation. It is influenced by a complex of social, environmental and economic factors that are ultimately inter-related. The health care delivery system is a small part of health. Better health lies not in high technology breakthroughs and better equipped hospitals but in health education, community involvement and education" (LIHC definition of health in Baikie 1992: 30).

The incidence of disease and mortality in northern Labrador is higher than for the Canadian population as a whole. Much of the difference is rooted in the poor socioeconomic conditions in many Aboriginal communities, which give rise to high levels of alcohol and substance abuse, accidental death, and suicide. Unemployment is a key factor underlying the many health and social problems experienced by Aboriginal people. Alton Mackey (1995) relates the effects of unemployment to the stress placed on Innu who are unable to live as families of hunters in the country because of their permanent settlement at Utshimassits and Sheshatshiu. Edge and Froude (1992) found that North Coast residents considered alcohol to be the greatest health problem in northern Labrador, followed by water and sewer problems.

Poor nutritional standards reflect the declining access to country food and the high cost of adequate store-bought alternatives. The infant mortality rate, a key measure of the quality of health care and general well-being, is also high. Between 1970 and 1980, the infant mortality rate was four times higher than for Canada as a whole (Wotton 1985).

Diet

The health status of the residents of the most northerly communities (Nain, Utshimassits and Hopedale) is poor, largely as a result of a poor diet. For financial and demographic reasons, many people have less access than they did in the past to the highly-nutritious "country food" so important in Aboriginal cultures. They must therefore rely on the less-nutritious food available from local stores (Alton Mackey 1988). These stores, which contend with small markets and high shipping and handling costs, cannot stock the variety and quality of groceries available in larger centres. Even if they could, low income reduces the ability of many residents to purchase a varied and adequate diet.

"The percentage of after shelter income required to purchase a nutritionally adequate diet . . . ranged from 92% to 108% in Labrador compared to 58% in Ottawa" (Baikie 1992:14).

In fact, it may be virtually impossible for families on welfare to maintain a satisfactory diet in northern Labrador, unless they spend nothing on clothes and personal care. A federal study of food costs undertaken in the course of evaluating an air freight subsidy program in 1990, found that the cost of a basket of selected food items was 25 percent higher in Labrador than in Ottawa (Baikie 1992). The study then compared this to the monthly income of a family of four on social assistance, after deducting the cost of housing.

The nutrient-rich country food in the traditional diet makes a wide variety of wild meat and fish essentially interchangeable. Residents of Nain who can afford to hunt and fish, for example, can alternate between periods of heavy dependence on seals, caribou, sea birds and fish, with no appreciable loss of dietary quality (Alton Mackey 1988). For store-bought groceries to replace such a diet, they must include a variety of foods, including vegetables, which are not part of the traditional diet.

Obesity is one of the most prevalent health problems in the region. While northern Labrador had the lowest proportion of individuals classified as overweight (37 percent) in Labrador in 1992, the level is almost 20 percent higher than the national level (Edge and Froude 1992). This is largely due to cultural eating habits in terms of amounts of, and preference for, fat (Tanner et al. 1994). The 1992 Health Promotion Survey found that northern Labrador residents were most likely to eat visible fat on meat (Edge and Froude 1992). The consumption of store brought foods in replacement of game meat results in the consumption of foods high in fat and carbohydrates. In addition, many northern residents do not get as much exercise as when living in the country (Tanner et al. 1994).

Hospitalizations

"In every age group in northern Labrador, mortality is higher than the rate for Canadians as a whole . . . . Differences range from almost 4 times the national rate in the age group 15 to 24 years, to 5.5 times the national rate in the age group 0 to 4 years" (Wotton 1985:139)

In 1995-96, there were a total of 771 hospitalizations in the six North Coast communities, giving a rate of 27.3 hospitalizations per 100 residents (Appendix 24A, Table 16). Hospitalization rates ranged from 15.3 per 100 residents (Makkovik) to 32.6 hospitalizations per 100 residents (Utshimassits). Hospitalization rates were highest in the three most northern communities: Nain (30.0/100), Utshimassits (32.6/100), Hopedale (29.6/100), and Sheshatshiu (28.4/100).

In 1995-96, digestive problems (diseases of the gastrointestinal tract), respiratory diseases and accidents were the three most common reasons for hospitalizations in the North Coast communities. Combined, these accounted for 39 percent of total hospitalizations (Appendix 24A, Table 16). Upper respiratory conditions are aggravated by poor housing and are much more severe and frequent when accompanied by poor nutritional status.

Between 1987 and 1989, the average annual rate of referrals of patients from northern Labrador to Melville Hospital was 492 patients per 1,000 population. The average stay was eight days, except for women awaiting delivery, who averaged 17 days away from home. Women from age 15-34 and from 55-64 were the groups referred most frequently. Seventeen percent of the patients were transferred to other centres for specialist care (Baikie 1992). In 1992-93, residents of the North Coast communities accounted for 50.4 percent of all admissions at the Melville Hospital (William Nycum and Associates Limited 1994).

Reproductive Health

Reproductive statistics for the Aboriginal communities of Labrador indicate a high rate of complications during pregnancy, labour, and delivery (Appendix 24A, Table 17).

Another aspect of health is the rate of teenage pregnancy in northern Labrador communities. In 1995-96, teenage pregnancy rates ranged from zero in Makkovik, Postville and Rigolet to 20 percent of the female population aged 15-19 in Utshimassits and Hopedale. Of Labrador's Aboriginal communities, the teenage pregnancy rate in Sheshatshiu was the highest at 27.5 percent. These rates are substantially higher than those for northern Newfoundland (all of Labrador and the northern portion of the Great Northern Peninsula) and the province, which were 5.4 percent and 4.0 percent respectively.

Sexually-Transmitted Diseases

The incidence of sexually-transmitted diseases, particularly chlamydia and gonorrhoea, is high in northern Labrador, and there is increasing anxiety about Human Immunodeficiency Virus and Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome (HIV/AIDS) (Baikie 1992). There has been some education about HIV/AIDS in the North Coast communities (Turner G. pers. comm.). Both the LIHC and Innu Uauitshitun offer HIV/AIDS and sexually transmitted disease awareness programs (Chapter 23). The only data available regarding the incidence of HIV/AIDS are at the provincial level (Appendix 24A, Table 19).

The Laboratory for Disease Control estimated that at the end of 1995, there were 24 AIDS cases for every 100,000 Aboriginal people in Canada (0.24/1,000). The number of new cases among Aboriginal people has increased steadily over the past decade. In contrast to non-Aboriginal AIDS cases, Aboriginal AIDS cases are more likely to be younger and female (Health Canada 1996a). The median age of new HIV infection has declined from 32 years (pre-1983 infections) to 23 years (1985-1990 infections) (Health Canada 1996b).

As of September 1996, women accounted for six percent of all reported AIDS cases. Among adult women, 63 percent of AIDS cases result from heterosexual contact. About 90 percent of HIV-infected adult women are of child-bearing age (15-44 years). The prevalence of HIV infection among pregnant women in Newfoundland for the 1991-1993 period was 8.7/10,000 compared to a national rate of 3-4/10,000. The incidence of HIV infection among women of child bearing age is increasing (Health Canada 1996c).

Mental Health

"Health outcomes associated with unemployment are well documented.... and include both increases in mortality rates, through accidental injury, suicide, violence, circulatory disease and/or cancer, and increased psychological symptoms and disorder. Unemployment has been linked to suicide and parasuicide, self-harm behaviours, disturbed sleep, neurotic disorders, depression anxiety, hopelessness, apathy, lower self-esteem, humiliation and stigmatisation, and increased alcohol usage" (Alton Mackey 1995: 3).

Various indicators of mental health problems, in particular alcohol and solvent abuse, suicide, violence, child abuse and vandalism are a continuing issue in many northern Labrador communities (Baikie 1992) Alcoholism is the most common psychiatric problem in northern Labrador. Baikie (1992) found that 50 percent of psychiatric cases were alcoholics and 50 percent were the victims of alcoholics.

Suicide

One measure of the severity of the problems affecting the North Coast communities is the incidence of attempted or contemplated suicide. Suicide rates vary from year to year, but remain high in most communities (Baikie 1992). A review of suicides in northern Labrador between 1979 and 1983 found the rate to be twice the national rate for Aboriginal people and five times higher than the overall national rate (Baikie 1992). One serious gap is a lack of follow-up in the causes of mortality among Labrador's Innu and Inuit between 1971 and 1982, which showed high levels of suicide among the young (Wotton 1985).

In Utshimassits, while the number of attempted and contemplated suicides vary from year to year, the incidence of both remains high (Appendix 24A, Table 15). Between July and December 1993, there were 90 reported suicide attempts or contemplated suicides. In contrast, in 1994, there were 35 such incidents were reported, but only one death due to suicide (Alton Mackey 1995).

"It would be good if Inuit youth were angrier and more radical, maybe they would deal with their problems in a more positive way. I feel that frustration in Inuit youth is a truer picture. Frustration with parents, school, their inability to blend successfully into Inuit society, leads to suicide and all the other substance abuse problems" (Fran Williams, quoted in Pauktuutit 1991: 38).

Recognizing its seriousness, residents of Utshimassits have taken the initiative towards addressing this issue. Following the house fire that killed six children in February 1992, and a highly-publicized incident involving gas-sniffing children a year later, the community began a concerted healing process. This involved an extensive series of initiatives, including family-centred healing circles, retreats and counselling in the community and in the country, and use of Aboriginal-run treatment services in other provinces.

24.1.4 Likely Future Conditions - Labrador North Coast

Without the Project, the population of the Labrador North Coast will continue to increase, leading to increasing demands for housing and related municipal services and infrastructure (Chapter 22 and Chapter 23). Such increased demands will only compound many existing family, social and health problems in the community. The land claim settlements will provide the Labrador Inuit and Innu with means of improving their communities. These settlements typically include a cash component, hunting rights within the land claim boundary, exclusive rights to certain land areas and possibly a self-government agreement. Land claim settlements will be positive for both the Inuit and Innu, providing them with greater autonomy and the means for improving living conditions.

"The reality of the North today and into the foreseeable future is that beyond the basic government activity in local administration and public works, and local commercial and service activity, there will not be massive employment or business opportunities in or near most communities" (Usher 1987:5).

With the devolution of health services to the LIHC and Innu Health Commission, the provision of health care services are expected to improve (Chapter 23). With greater autonomy over health care, health and social problems experienced on the Labrador North Coast are expected to improve slowly.

However, the incidence of substance abuse, family violence and suicide may remain high for some time due to the continued poor economic conditions (Chapter 21). While the Northern Cod moratorium is expected to continue, mineral exploration activities and Mushuau Innu joint ventures being undertaken as part of the plan to relocate from Utshimassits to Natuashish, will provide employment and benefit local economies (Chapter 22). However, given the high birth rate and the region's young population, any growth in jobs, resource revenues or government expenditures could easily be absorbed by population growth, with no overall improvement in employment rates, household incomes or social problems.

The federal government has committed itself to relocating the community of Utshimassits. This is expected to result in several years of high levels of employment for the Mushuau Innu in the short term and considerable benefits to family and community life in the long term. A new settlement with better housing, municipal infrastructure and health conditions, and better access to traditional hunting areas, should relieve some of the trauma which has afflicted this community for so long.

24.2 Environmental Effects Assessment - Labrador North Coast

Aspects of the Project that will affect families and community life on the Labrador North Coast are similar to those discussed in Chapter 23 for services and infrastructure:

transportation (Chapter 3);
IBAs (Chapter 4);
employment and income - direct, indirect and induced (Chapter 21);
economic growth (Chapter 22);
employment benefits (Chapter 3);
work schedule (Chapter 3);
demographic change (Chapter 21);
operations shutdown/mine closure (Chapter 3); and
accidental event (Chapter 3).

Potential environmental effects are listed in Table 24.1 below and a synthesis of environmental effects is provided in Appendix 24B to this chapter.

Table 24.1 Potential Environmental Effects - Labrador North Coast

Potential Environmental Effects	Project Phase	Activities
Work-Related Stress	Construction Operation	Transportation Employment and Income Work Schedule Operations Shutdown/Mine Closure Accidental Event
Managing Income	Construction Operation	Employment and Income
Income Differentials	Construction Operation	Employment and Income
Cost of Living Increase	Construction Operation	Employment and Income Project Expenditures Demographic Change
Marital and Family Stress	Construction Operation Decommissioning	Transportation Employment and Income Work Schedule Demographic Change Operations Shutdown/Mine Closure Accidental Event
Social Problems	Construction Operation Decommissioning Post-decommissioning	Transportation Employment and Income Economic Growth Work Schedule Demographic Change Operations Shutdown/Mine Closure
Community Leadership	Construction Operation	Work Schedule
^a demographic change is directly related to Project need for employees

Of the issues raised by North Coast residents about the social and economic environmental effects associated with mining development, most relate to the environmental effects on families and community (Chapter 5). These are people who, in most cases, have had no experience with permanent, relatively high paid work or with the challenge of a regular pattern of absence and presence of one spouse and/or parent. There is concern that economic and demographic change (i.e. in-migration of new or returning residents who are moving with the hope of enhancing their work prospects) in the region may aggravate existing social problems (Williamson 1996). The fears reflect the vulnerability of communities already suffering from serious social problems, and residents' anxiety of dealing with a major development in an industry that is new to the region. While there are grounds for some concerns of this nature, a development offering hundreds of long-term, relatively highly-paid jobs will have positive environmental effects on families and life in communities currently experiencing high levels of poverty and unemployment.

Individuals who obtain Project-related employment will enjoy an increase in self-esteem and independence, and some who previously relied on transfer payments will no longer do so. Economic growth will lead to an improved outlook for many families and an increase in community pride. These effects will be beneficial for the Labrador North Coast, creating an overall improvement in socioeconomic conditions and reduced dependency on transfer payments. However, the current social and economic problems are complex and cannot be addressed solely through increased employment and incomes.

Wages and benefits at commute (fly in/fly out) mines are similar to those at conventional mines (Chapter 21). However, employees at commute mines often earn higher take-home pay because of long hours and overtime. In addition, they incur no living costs while at the mine site, adding further to their disposable income. Short-term construction employment, longer-term work in the operation phase, indirect increases in employment in the North Coast communities as a result of the IBAs and indirect and induced Project employment will improve the standard of living of individuals and their families. Increased employment and business will reduce dependence on government transfer payments. As discussed in Chapter 20, given the difficulty of maintaining an acceptable standard of living on such transfers the overall environmental effect for employed individuals and their families will be highly positive.

Project workers will benefit from training and personnel policies (Chapter 4 and Chapter 21). Many will excel at Project-related work gaining self-esteem and confidence, and serving as role models for many young people just entering the labour force in the North Coast communities. Greater self-esteem and confidence, as well as an improved standard of living (Chapter 22), will lead to a decline in social problems such as substance abuse, crime and violence.

A large injection of employment income will also have a positive environmental effect on health. Possible health effects of the Project must be considered within the context of existing health conditions and their causes. Many coastal residents have expressed fears about health (Chapter 5). However, a project which offers well-paid jobs to a large number of North Coast residents for 25 years, and reinforces their ability to sustain traditional activities like hunting, is unlikely to undermine the health of their communities. In fact, employment will increase the ability of many to continue hunting, fishing or trapping, rather than harming traditional harvesting practices. This will reinforce the continued use of country foods and their subsequent contribution to good health.

Issues related to an influx of outsiders appear to be unwarranted given the demographic analysis presented in Chapter 21. The use of a commute system means that it likely that the only in-migrants to North Coast communities will be return migrants (that is, former residents) or individuals or families moving between different North Coast communities.

24.2.1 Work-Related Stress

The requirement to work on a rigid schedule, within a hierarchical framework, and to adapt to the ordered regime of an industrial or office environment, are stressful for some who are not familiar with the routine of full-time industrial work (Hess 1984). While many North Coast residents have had experience in the wage economy, lifestyle changes brought about by regular employment will create short-term stress for some who obtain Project-related employment. However, such stress may not be as great as that associated with long-term unemployment, idleness, poverty and dependency. The seasonal operations during the start-up of the Project will serve as an adjustment period for Project workers and help to reduce the stress that some will experience as a result of the work schedule.

Increased self-esteem following from regular employment, and the self-discipline and fitness demanded by such employment will also help offset such stress. However, some workers will require occasional or ongoing counselling for work-related stress management. VBNC's Employee Assistance Program will provide confidential stress management counselling using community-based Aboriginal counsellors (Chapter 3).

The Project will also cause some wider stress in the communities, particularly for those who are marginalized by the Project. Review of the environmental effects associated with the James Bay Hydro Development, for example, indicates that some groups are more vulnerable to the stress of adapting to Project-related effects, including women and seniors. Individuals who are capable of, and willing to pursue, employment on such projects are more likely to experience a reduction in stress levels. Greater levels of stress are experienced by those who are marginalized by the process of environmental and cultural change, and who have the least skills and education (Berry 1992). Some residents of the North Coast communities will experience stress of this nature because not all people who would like jobs will be successful in obtaining them.

Provisions of the IBAs will support the Innu Nation and LIA in working with federal and provincial authorities to address any increases in community stress. In addition to ensuring higher incomes through employment and other benefits, the IBAs will also recognize the Labrador Inuit and Innu role in resource development and VBNC's role in social and cultural protection. Empowerment will result from both greater self-sufficiency, and from the recognition of the central role Aboriginal people must play in monitoring the environmental effects of the Project, and identifying appropriate responses.
Most Project workers will work on a rotating schedule, living at the site for extended periods (four to eight weeks during the construction period and two weeks during the operations phase) and returning to their home communities for two weeks (Chapter 3). The commute cycle and long shifts will be demanding and stressful for some workers. In order to reduce employee stress, VBNC will provide orientation sessions for new employees and offer counselling through the Employee Assistance Program (Chapter 3).

Commute workers and their families experience emotional problems associated with cycles of presence and absence from the home, including mood swings, sleep loss, anxiety, marital stress and difficulties associated with finances and alcohol (International Labour Office 1995). The cycle of extended periods of presence and absence can challenge domestic relationships. This can have implications for the mental health of commute workers, as well as broader issues for family and community life.

However, there are many aspects of the commute system that workers and their spouses and children find advantageous. Apart from the attraction of a steady income, these include separation of family life from work life, extended periods together when the worker is home, greater spousal independence (albeit this can be problematic for some) and employment for the commute workers during their time off. Also, commuting offers some workers the possibility of living in a major centre with better employment opportunities, infrastructure and services.

Since VBNC will fly workers from designated pick-up points to the Project site, workers will not have to live in a particular community to keep their jobs. Therefore, they may choose to move to a community where other relatives live, or where there is a better chance of employment or education for the worker's family (Chapter 21). North Coast residents will have a chance to live where they choose and to continue, during their time off, subsistence activities important to their culture, health and well-being.

The long shifts typical of commute projects are attractive to workers, because they result in higher pay and allow employees to spend longer periods at home. However, the combination of long shifts and job rotation raises health and safety issues that are discussed in Chapter 3. Issues of shift length, fatigue and job safety, as well as the link between fatigue and accidents, have been examined in the literature on industrial health and safety (International Labour Office 1995). Coates (1991) found that miners working 12-hour shifts who went home at the end of each shift had fewer complaints of sleep and emotional disorders than those who worked the same shifts on a rotational schedule at a commute mine.

Research in both the mining and offshore oil industries has found that air travel is a key source of worker stress, and sometimes leads to workers quitting their jobs (Sutherland and Cooper 1986, Hellesoey 1985).

Commute mines are virtually always, by definition, remote sites which makes it difficult for employees to "get away from the job". Problems with co-workers or superiors can be stressful if the individuals involved are in constant contact. In a context of long shifts and rotations, workers need quiet and privacy. In winter, especially, workers needing privacy or a change of scene will have few choices. VBNC's decision to accommodate its workers in single rooms will make a major contribution in this regard (Chapter 3). Research at other commute operations has found that room assignment and recreation facilities are of special importance to staff morale (Shrimpton and Storey 1991). The facilities at the Project site will ease the strain of long shifts. There will be appropriate accommodation arrangements for married couples, women and disabled employees. Leisure and recreational facilities at the site will include television rooms and lounges, library/quiet room, gymnasium and exercise/weight room (Check Chapter 3).

While details of accommodation, recreation, meals and so forth are important, it is the overall social environment of the site accommodations which has the most effect on worker satisfaction and stress management (International Labour Office 1995). Employee outlook and attitudes have a major influence on the social environment of camp. VBNC recognizes the importance of morale in a remote setting and will enhance the job satisfaction and contentment of workers at the site.

While the Project will result in stress for some individuals and families, overall it will provide options and open up opportunities for many North Coast residents. Workers and their families will have good, steady incomes and extended periods of time together. The improved self-esteem and standard of living experienced by workers and their families will benefit the entire community. The support measures put in place by VBNC through human resources policies and the IBAs will help reduce any stress and other difficulties experienced by workers and their families.

24.2.2 Managing Income

"On the Hobbema Reserve, the oil field on their land has made them very rich, but there are a lot of negative results form it - gangs, drugs, social problems, populations explosion of non-Aboriginals, guns, shootings, watchdogs, jealousies. There may be jobs and lots of money from a mine, but it does not necessarily mean good things" (George Gregoire, quoted in Innu Nation Task Force on Mining Activities, 1996:57).

North Coast residents expressed concern that some individuals may experience difficulty in managing their new earnings (Chapter 5). Relatively high salaries combined with the intensive work schedule may promote binge drinking or spending when workers return home at the end of a job rotation. In the past, very few North Coast residents earned enough to develop a habit of saving. It was only in 1996 that the first commercial bank on the North Coast opened in Nain. Some people fear that sudden affluence may generate reckless spending, especially in the absence of banks in most communities. People may accumulate high debts by buying new furniture, boats or snowmobiles on credit, and then find themselves over-extended.

Some North Coast residents may initially experience problems managing higher incomes. VBNC's employee assistance program and various counselling services will be available to assist Project workers and their families who experience difficulty.

24.2.3 Income Differentials

The economic benefits of mining and exploration in northern Labrador will not be equally shared. While many North Coast residents will obtain jobs at the Project or with related businesses, others will not. As a result, there will be increased income disparities, and there may be tension between employed and unemployed individuals. This will be especially true if the economic stimulus of the Project generates localized inflation, so that costs of shelter, for example, rise beyond the means of individuals on low, fixed incomes (Chapter 21 and Chapter 23).

The Project will not end unemployment and poverty in the North Coast communities. For those who continue to depend on transfer payments, their situation will contrast sharply with the prosperity of those with Project-related employment. This may well promote tension between members of extended families in the event that only some members get employment. When the Project enters the operation phase and employment peaks, this problem will ease.

"…there is already growing disparity between rich and poor in the communities, which fosters low self-esteem and prejudice and weakens a sense of community" (Williamson 1996:12).

Many Aboriginal mine employees, raised in a culture of sharing, will wish or feel obliged to assist relatives. Some may move away to escape such pressure.

The evidence from other studies of this issue is contradictory. One study found that commute workers in northern Saskatchewan tend not to share their income outside their immediate families. Wage income, therefore, was helping to break down the custom of systematic sharing so important in aboriginal society (Gagnon 1992). Another study, involving a community of Australian Aboriginal peoples in which many were employed at a nearby mine, found that wages tended to erode the custom of sharing by increasing the independence of families. That is, when families could afford freezers and store their country food, there was less incentive to share the surplus (Holden and O'Faircheallaigh 1991). However, in Australia's Northern Territory, mineral royalties and miners' wages were widely and systematically shared, partly through traditional ceremonies (O'Faircheallaigh 1993). Similarly, as discussed in Chapter 20, the benefits negotiated for the Cree in the James Bay and Northern Quebec Agreement, especially a program of assistance to hunter and trappers, result in benefits being shared so effectively that there is little difference in the real incomes of wage earners and hunters (Scott 1994).

24.2.4 Cost of Living

Project-related activities may lead to an increase in the cost of living in some North Coast communities throughout construction and operations (Chapter 22). While this is not expected to pose a problem for most people, it will present difficulties for those who have lower incomes from non-mining related employment or businesses and, in particular, those living on fixed incomes.

While some individuals in such families will obtain employment on the Project or in other businesses, some families will continue to have low incomes, (in particular seniors and lone parents, who are mostly women). However, only a small portion of the North Coast population is over the age of 50 years. In contrast, lone parent families comprise a larger proportion of the North Coast population compared to other areas of the province, and some will experience difficulties as a result of cost of living increases.

24.2.5 Marital and Family Stress

During the issues scoping study conducted by LIA, high school students in Postville expressed concern that a commute mine would be too hard on family life, and that a permanent community would be better for that reason (Williamson 1996). Their preference for a permanent town was very much a minority view, but participants in all coastal meetings forecast family difficulties. In light of this concern, it is useful to consider experience in remote mines elsewhere.

In 1990, approximately 67 percent of the commute mine workers in Canada were married, 27 percent were never married, and 6 percent were widowed or divorced. In comparison to conventional mines, in which the miners live nearby, the proportion of divorced and separated workers is higher at commute mines. However, this is not necessarily a result of the work pattern. It may be that divorced or separated workers are more prone to accept the commuting cycle. Of the divorced and separated workers at Key Lake and Polaris, for example, 96 percent and 91 percent, respectively, were already divorced or separated before they started at the mine (Shrimpton and Storey 1991).

Notwithstanding the fact that many commute workers and their families find the system advantageous (Section 24.2.1), some divorced or separated mine employees considered the work pattern partly responsible for their marital difficulty. The primary problems are loneliness, social isolation, and difficulties in handling domestic responsibilities (Shrimpton and Storey 1991). Issues of fidelity, gender roles and sharing the workload will arise. For example, a worker coming home after several weeks of 12-hour days is likely to want rest and quiet, especially at first. The worker's spouse, whose workload may have doubled in the period of absence, will be just as anxious for relief at the same time.

Commute mines require workers to spend considerable periods away from their families and communities. For most workers at the Project, the job will involve a rotation of up to 54 days on and 14 days off during the construction period (in the summer), and two weeks on and two weeks off during the operation period. Workers and their families will have to adjust to a cycle of presence and absence in the home. Since few individuals on the North Coast have much experience with long-term jobs, especially jobs which oblige them to be absent from home for extended periods, there will be a need for adjustment on the part of some workers and their families.

Not only will the employees have to adapt to the commuting lifestyle and rotation work schedules, but the family will also have to learn to live with this arrangement. Workers will not be able to participate in all family events as they would if they worked at or near their home, and may miss some family celebrations or have to postpone them until they are at home. With the absence of a spouse and/or parent, family members at home will be required to handle increased workloads.

While the adjustment will take time, some of the environmental effects of this change will be moderated by the fact that operations workers will be at home for a full two-week period and will have a good, steady income. This will allow workers and their families to plan various activities or take a vacation. Both the Inuit and Innu will have increased opportunity and resources to participate in traditional harvesting activities. Annual vacation of two weeks and the availability of additional "cultural leave" for Aboriginal workers will allow workers an extended period of time in which to participate in traditional activities (Chapter 3).
Life is very demanding on the Labrador coast, particularly in winter. It often takes the combined effort of two adults to keep a household running in periods of severe cold. If the house has running water, pipes can freeze; if they do, somebody must bring water from elsewhere. Young children also need extra attention in cold weather. However, the help of extended family members and a much higher family income should enable most families to cope with these challenges.

"In Hopedale more women than men have jobs. Women are running the community. It would be hard on them if men are away on shift, unless day care services are initiated to look after children, who currently make up over half the population" (Hopedale Women's Group, in Williamson 1996:42).

In communities such as Hopedale, more women are currently employed than men, so that some men mind children while their wives are at work. If these men get jobs, their wives will need access to child care services when the men are away. Some of the Project workforce will be women (Chapter 21), some of them mothers. Their absence from home will put additional demands on other family members and community child care services. Again, extended families and higher incomes should enable most mine workers to cope with this.

In issues scoping meetings, North Coast residents expressed a fear that for families already in crisis, adjusting to stable employment, a good income and the commute schedule may be difficult. It is clear, however, that poverty and dependence are a major cause of much of the family distress in northern Labrador (Brice-Bennett 1986) and the Project will help address this.

A study of the environmental effects of commute mine work on Aboriginal people in Canada and Australia noted that large numbers of Aboriginal workers on rotational work schedules are concerned about their wives and children when they are at the mine site. Although Aboriginal families usually enjoy strong emotional and material support from extended families, poor communications may contribute to anxiety (O'Faircheallaigh 1993). It is clear from Canadian and Australian research that all commute workers and their families value personal telephone connections. Being able to phone home or have family phone the worker directly helps relieve the stress of maintaining long distance family relationships (Shrimpton and Storey 1991). In response to this, all private accommodation rooms at the Project site will have private telephones (Chapter 3).

Despite the challenges noted above, a study of the effects of rotation employment on northern Aboriginal people in Canada suggests that the benefits of regular work more than compensate for these difficulties. Several studies (Hobart and Kupfer 1973, Roberts 1977, Baffin Region Inuit Association 1980) found that about 10 percent of workers' wives reported difficulties handling their children, as well as unwanted attention from other men when their husbands were away. Nevertheless, wives have generally been enthusiastic (80 to 90 percent) about their husband having such work (Hobart 1982).

All mines eventually close, and the resultant lay-offs can be very stressful for workers and their families. Notwithstanding human resources policies (Chapter 3) regarding decommissioning and increased levels of training and skills resulting from Project employment, the loss of work at decommissioning may be difficult for some individuals and families.

A number of other VBNC incentives will help address family life issues. For example, the Employee Assistance Plan will provide counselling on financial management, alcohol and drug dependency, and work-related stress (Chapter 3). In the case of an illness or death in the family or other domestic emergency, clear policies on emergency leave ensure the situation is handled promptly, and reduce worker and family stress (Shrimpton and Storey 1989). VBNC has distinct guidelines for handling deaths and family emergencies under the terms of its bereavement policy and response to family emergencies directive.

24.2.6 Social and Health Problems

As has been discussed above, it is expected that increased employment, income and other Project benefits will improve the quality of life and increase the level of self-esteem and independence of most area residents. This will lead to a general decline in many social and health problems in North Coast communities.

Substance Abuse

An improved quality of life and increased level of self-esteem and independence will likely lead to a decline in substance abuse. However, with increased income levels, some residents may purchase increased quantities of alcohol and drugs. With a dry Project workplace, there is also potential for binge drinking among workers when they return to the community.

"… there will be a lot of white people, and a lot of Innu people will be drinking especially for those who stopped drinking in last couple of years and have worked on their healing journey" (Judith Rich of Utshimassits, quoted in Innu Task Force on Mining Activities 1996:56).

Labrador's Aboriginal people have expressed concern that the Project will increase drug and alcohol abuse in their communities (Williamson 1996; Innu Nation Task Force on Mining Activities 1996). However, current alcohol abuse does not appear to be primarily a function of access to cash. Rather, it reflects a wider range of social problems, including disempowerment and boredom. Thus, while the wages of Project workers and economic growth will bring more money into North Coast communities, it does not follow that higher levels of drug and alcohol abuse will result.

Hobart (1989) reports an increase of 29 percent in alcohol consumption and related problems in Coppermine when Gulf Oil first employed local Inuit between 1972 and 1979, but this was a short-term phenomenon. "During the next two to three years the problem behaviours virtually disappeared, and Coppermine Inuit became some of Gulf Canada's most effective and dependable workers. Liquor consumption and drunken violence fell below those found before initiation of the rotation employment. There was no indication that children suffered neglect, or that returning workers spread illness" (Hobart 1989, p. 32).

VBNC's zero-tolerance policy for drugs and alcohol on the Project site will curtail substance abuse on site. Therefore, substance abuse problems, if any, will most likely occur when employees are away from the Project site. VBNC's Employee Assistance Plan makes provisions for confidential counselling for drug and alcohol problems (Chapter 3).

Crime and Violence

As with substance abuse, the incidence of crime and violence will likely diminish as a result of greater self-esteem and independence, and an improved standard of living. For many workers and their families, higher and more regular income will ease the stress associated with unemployment and poverty and offer them an improved outlook on life.

While the Project is expected to result in an overall improvement in family and community life, family or marital stress experienced by workers and their families may lead to family violence. Continuing social problems and the financial difficulties of some individuals and families will be a factor in some crime and violence. However, the VBNC Employee Assistance Program will help workers deal with work-related stress, financial management and alcohol and drug abuse (Chapter 3).

Health

This assessment of environmental effects focuses on the health of residents of the Labrador North Coast. VBNC's provisions for worker health and safety at the site, and measures to deal with medical and other emergencies are addressed in Chapter 3.

One of the concerns expressed by community residents was that the Project could introduce new sexually-transmitted diseases, in particular HIV/AIDS, to the Labrador North Coast (Chapter 5). This concern was also noted by Williamson (1996) and Innu Nation Task Force on Mining Activities (1996). Similar concern was expressed about the potential for an increase in unwanted pregnancies, particularly teenage pregnancies.

However, the mine site is distant from coastal communities both by its location and by VBNC's policies and the logistics of a commute mine. The camp will provide limited opportunities for casual sexual liaisons, and commuting will offer no opportunity for mine workers to visit coastal communities other than their own. As well, VBNC's policy on HIV/AIDS will include education programs and procedures that will ensure that HIV/AIDS related personnel issues are handled in a sensitive and confidential manner (Chapter 3).

"... a sense of well-being is intimately tied to life and activity "on the land", in being close to the activities of food production. Conversely, the destruction of land and the alteration of the aquatic environment are intimately linked to a sense of sickness or of physical weakness..." (Penn 1992:32-34)

Health benefits gained through an improvement in the cash economy will be further amplified by Project effects on a subsistence lifestyle (Chapter 20). A number of studies have drawn attention to the importance of subsistence for Aboriginal health, both in terms of access to highly-nutritious food and in the wider sense that well-being is related to confidence in the community's traditional economy (Berger 1985, Kettner 1990, Campbell et al. 1992, Penn 1992). In an assessment of the potential environmental effects of a hydro development on the health status of the Cree community of Cross Lake, Kettner (1990, p. 8) noted: "To prove, measure and quantify the direct effects on health or specific diseases in the community is difficult. However it is clear that there are important consequences of a changed natural environment and the loss of traditional culture (fishing, trapping, natural beauty) on the health of a community - i.e. not only physical, but mental, social, and economic well-being. Clearly it is not possible to assess the health of a community without consideration of the serious negative consequences of this profound change in the natural environment."

The importance of subsistence hunting, fishing and trapping in Aboriginal culture, the nutritional value of country food and its importance to health, and the manner in which the subsistence economy has come to depend on access to income from other sources are addressed in-depth in Chapter 20. From this analysis, it is evident that the health effects of the Project will depend on its overall effect on the viability of the traditional economy. The overall environmental effect is expected to be positive in that any negative effects on fish and game resources will be offset by the contribution of steady wages and the job rotation schedule to the ability of residents to hunt effectively.

Food is a fundamental determinant of health. The quality of meals at camp will be crucial to both the morale and physical health of the staff, and will affect their ability to perform their work safely and efficiently. Country food will be served when available, and facilities will be provided for employees to prepare country food (Chapter 3).

24.2.7 Community Leadership

As was discussed in Section 24.1.3, many of the most competent individuals in a small community are extremely busy. Some of the same people are likely to be among the most qualified for work at the Project. If many accept these jobs, this could have far-reaching environmental effects in their communities, since individuals who are away from home for two weeks out of every four may be less likely to be willing or able to sit on the community council or accept a position with Aboriginal, regional or community organizations. In the short-term, the Project could disrupt and weaken the leadership in these groups, by drawing away many of their best leaders.

Over a longer period, however, the environmental effect could be positive. If current members of boards and councils resign their positions, this would open the way for a new generation of community leaders who would learn on the job, and in most cases, rise to the challenge. Over time, the Project might provide skills beneficial to the leadership in coastal communities and allow new people to assume leadership positions vacated by those working at the Project site.

Evidence from elsewhere is contradictory. Some workers, especially those who have been involved in rotation employment for extended periods of time, show a tendency to avoid community obligations (Holden and O'Faircheallaigh 1991). However, others working on rotation are more heavily involved in community affairs, having more leisure when they are at home than people working in regular employment (O'Faircheallaigh 1995).

24.2.8 Accidental Events

The effects of accidental events on families will depend on the nature and severity of the event. In the most extreme case, an accident resulting in the death of one or more family members would have severe psychosocial and economic consequences. This will be reduced through the availability of an Employee Assistance Program and other support programs.

24.2.9 Cumulative Environmental Effects

In the near future, LIA and Innu Nation will be finalizing and implementing land claim settlements. The overall cumulative environmental effect of this will be positive for the North Coast communities, providing the Labrador Inuit and Innu with the means for improving their communities and family life. Land claim settlements will likley include a cash settlement, exclusive rights to certain land areas, hunting rights, and provisions for a variety of social and economic structures and services that will enable the Labrador Inuit and Innu to improve local infrastructure and services. These settlements will give the Labrador Inuit and Innu greater autonomy. Combined with economic growth resulting from the Project, the land claim settlements will provide additional means for improving municipal services and infrastructure which will result in an improvement in living conditions.

Project construction and early operations will coincide with the Mushuau Innu relocation from Utshimassits to Natuashish. Again, the overall cumulative environmental effect of this will be positive for the Mushuau Innu, since it will mean that residents will be starting over in a new community with new and modern infrastructure. The community will also have revenue from the land claim settlement and IBAs, and some residents will be employed with the Project. Some of the joint venture companies established by the Innu will be successful in obtaining Project-related contracts (Chapter 21). Combined with the economic growth generated by the Project, the cumulative environmental effect on families and community life, as well as physical and mental health, for the Mushuau Innu will be positive. However, the build-up to the relocation will be stressful since living conditions in Utshimassits will continue to be crowded and lack basic infrastructure (Chapter 23).

Apart from improvements to basic living standards, the employment generated by the relocation could transform the community, allowing the Mushuau Innu greater autonomy over their own affairs. However, it will be a hectic and stressful time for the Mushuau Innu, especially for any who work at Voisey's Bay during the relocation period.

The proposed Kamistastin (Mistastin) River hydroelectric development, if it proceeds, will occur over the same period as Project construction, placing demands on services and infrastructure, in particular transportation and commercial services and infrastructure which will affect families and community life in Nain and Uthsimassits (or Natuaushish). Combined with the Project, the Kamistastin hydroelectric development will mean additional employment for local residents, with secondary environmental effects on family and community life.

Continuing mineral exploration in northern Labrador will also affect some of the North Coast communities. While such activity is expected to be relatively small in areas other than around Nain, combined with the Project, it will mean additional economic benefits for the communities (Chapter 22). In Nain, continuing mineral exploration combined with the Project will increase economic growth and development which will affect family and community life.

24.2.10 Optimization of Environmental Effects

Given the links between unemployment and poor health, the overall environmental effect of the Project on the neighbouring communities will be positive. Health and social benefits will rise in proportion to the number of coastal residents employed and general economic growth. The IBAs, with their provisions relating to adjacency and economic benefits, represent the largest portion of VBNC's commitment to optimize local benefit.

There are issues of industrial health and safety in any mining project, as well as special concerns imposed by the remoteness of the Project and the severity of the northern Labrador environment. VBNC has addressed these health and safety issues in its planning, with these plans meeting or exceeding health and safety standards prevailing in this industry (Chapter 3).

In addition to issues directly related to work at the site, there are health and social implications in the employment of large numbers of Aboriginal people who have little experience with industrial projects. Despite local concerns about increased alcohol abuse and family stress, the environmental effects will again be largely positive.

Undoubtedly the most significant Project design feature bearing on family and social life is the decision to operate the mine on a commute basis with a two-week rotation. This has several important environmental effects, which have been discussed in Chapter 20 and above:

A commute operation offers "the best of both worlds", by facilitating the entry of Aboriginal people into modern industrial employment on terms which allow their families to stay in their home communities, supported by extended families and surrounded by a familiar milieu.

The commute systems gives workers large, regular periods of time off during which they can continue to pursue subsistence hunting and fishing. They can do so with much more flexibility than workers employed in their home communities on a nine-to-five basis and with more capacity to buy and maintain the equipment required. In cultures where good hunters have high status, the commute approach can reinforce traditional values and self-esteem by equipping workers to hunt and fish more effectively. This is particularly true where, as in northern Labrador, the unemployed can barely afford to hunt.

Many family problems which could be created or aggravated by the Project can best be addressed using existing community-based services.

Some workers and their families will find the job rotation stressful, but counselling programs provided or supported by VBNC will ease this problem (Chapter 3).

VBNC's vacation policy will allow for annual vacation schedules which make available uninterrupted time periods subject to appropriate scheduling, given the operational requirements of the Project, for employees annually. Emergencies are handled on an "appropriate to circumstances" basis. This includes emergency travel, income maintenance and other services as required. Several instances during the exploration period indicate that these matters are handled well.

24.3 Residual Environmental Effects - Labrador North Coast

Given that the occupational health and safety issues posed by the Project will have been fully addressed in Project planning, there are no related residual environmental effects. In terms of community health, the effect of the Project will be positive, particularly in the coastal communities. The use of appropriate hiring, orientation and other human resource policies will prevent or mitigate the few health problems which can be associated with a process of adjusting to the commuting cycle and the demands of work.

The definitions for the rating of residual environmental effects significance are as follows:

A major (significant) residual environmental effect is one of long duration (lasting several generations) or one affecting an entire definable group of people in such a way as to cause disturbance of economic, physical or psychosocial well-being or of long established activity patterns that would not return to pre-Project levels or patterns within several generations.

A moderate (significant) residual environmental effect is either one which is of medium-duration (one which affects one or two generations and/or the portion of the population dependent upon it) or one which affects a moderate portion of the population without affecting the integrity of the population as a whole.

A minor (not significant) residual environmental effect is either one of a short-term duration and/or affecting a specific group of people in a localized area but not necessarily affecting the integrity of the entire group itself.

A negligible (not significant) residual environmental effect is one of either very short duration or one which affects a small group of people or which occurs in a localized area in a manner similar to small random changes due to natural irregularities but having no detectable environmental effect on the population as a whole.

The Project will generally benefit family and community life in North Coast communities, although some adverse residual environmental effects will occur. The residual environmental effects remaining after the optimization are summarized in Table 24.2.

Table 24.2 Summary of Residual Environmental Effects on Family and Community - Labrador North Coast

Project Phase	Residual Environmental Effect	Significance	Likelihood^a(Probability)	Sustainable (Capacity) Use of Renewable Resources^a
Construction	Family and Community Change^b	Moderate	Moderate	n/a^c
Operation	Family and Community Change^b	Minor	n/a	n/a
Decommissioning	Family and Community Change^b	Minor	n/a	n/a
Post Decommissioning	Family and Community Change^b	Negligible	n/a	n/a
Accidental Event	Family and Community Change^b	Minor	n/a	n/a
^a Likelihood and sustainable use of renewable resources are only defined for environmental effects that are significant (moderate or major) as noted in CEAA (1994). ^b Family and community change can be positive or negative. ^c Family and community residual environmental effects are not applicable in the evaluation of renewable resources.

24.3.1 Construction

During construction, the Labrador North Coast will experience moderate (significant) residual environmental effects on families and community life. The likelihood of these residual environmental effects occurring is moderate.

24.3.2 Operation

During operation, the Labrador North Coast will experience minor (not significant) residual environmental effects on families and community life.

24.3.3 Decommissioning

During decommissioning, the Labrador North Coast will experience minor (not significant) residual environmental effects on families and community life.

24.3.4 Post-Decommissioning

During post-decommissioning, the Labrador North Coast will experience negligible (not significant) residual environmental effects on families and community life.

24.3.5 Accidental Events

An accidental event will have minor (not significant) residual environmental effects on family and community life.

24.3.6 Follow-up Program

No monitoring or follow-up requirements are anticipated.

24.4 Existing Environment - Other Areas of Labrador and Newfoundland

While communities in other areas of Newfoundland and Labrador do not share the ethnic or cultural distinctiveness of those on the North Coast, they commonly have a similar pattern of strong family ties and cultural values. Due to the small size of many communities and their distance from larger regional service centres and cities, Newfoundlanders and Labradorians have developed a strong sense of community and family, as well as a distinctive culture.

Until the mid-1900s, many of the province's communities were like the North Coast communities with no road access and relying on seasonal coastal boat service. Today, the majority them are accessible by road, and reliance on coastal boat service is limited to portions of Eastern Labrador and the Labrador Straits, and the province's south coast. Air access to most of these communities remains limited to helicopters or aircraft that can land on water or ice. As with the Labrador North Coast, the isolation resulting from the limited physical connections combined with a way-of-life focused on the land and the sea were key factors in the development of the culture of Newfoundland and Labrador.

For many communities, family and community ties have been undermined by declining economic activity and out-migration. The fisheries moratoria and subsequent closure of many processing plants has been a key factor affecting the continued viability of many small coastal communities (Chapter 22). Between 1991 and 1996, all of the census subdivisions in the province experienced a population loss. Very few communities experienced a growth in population; principal areas experiencing population growth were the City of Mount Pearl and the towns around the southern portion of Conception Bay. Both the City of St. John's and City of Corner Brook experienced a population loss (Statistics Canada 1997a).

In contrast to many other areas of Newfoundland and Labrador, Upper Lake Melville and Western Labrador have a more recent history of permanent settlement and rely on the defence and mining industries, respectively. The populations of the Towns of Happy Valley-Goose Bay, Labrador City and Wabush, in particular, are relatively young and more ethnically diverse than communities in other areas of the province.

24.4.1 Environmental Assessment Boundaries

Project employment and spending may affect families and community life within the Labrador North Coast and other areas of Labrador and Newfoundland. Sections 24.4 to 24.6 of this chapter includes effects predictions for other areas of Labrador and Newfoundland.

Upper Lake Melville, as defined for this assessment, includes the Towns of Happy Valley-Goose Bay and North West River, and the unincorporated communities of Sheshatshiu and Mud Lake (Figure 21.1).

Western Labrador includes the iron mining Towns of Labrador City and Wabush, and the unincoporated community of Churchill Falls.

Eastern Labrador includes the area between Groswater Bay and Cape Charles. It includes the incorporated communities of Cartwright, Charlottetown, Port Hope Simpson, St. Lewis and Mary's Harbour, and the unincorporated communities of Paradise River, Black Tickle, Norman Bay, Pinsent's Arm, Williams Harbour and Lodge Bay.

The Labrador Straits is the region across the Strait of Belle Isle from Newfoundland. It includes the incorporated communities of Red Bay, Pinware, West St. Modeste, L'Anse au Loup, Forteau and L'Anse au Clair, and the unincorporated villages of Capstan Island, L'Anse Amour and Point Amour. This is the only portion of the Labrador coast which has a highway.

The construction and operation phases of the Project will also draw workers from other areas of the province of Newfoundland and Labrador and, potentially, other areas of Canada.

24.4.1.1 Administrative Boundaries

Many factors related to the quality of family and community life fall within the jurisdiction of provincial and federal departments and agencies such as police, social services, health and education. However, there are no administrative boundaries directly affecting the analysis of the effects on families and community life. The boundaries (or service regions) for the various departments, agencies and boards overseeing services and infrastructure in the various regions were discussed in Chapter 23.

24.4.1.2 Technical Boundaries

Information on families and community life in other areas of Newfoundland and Labrador is drawn from a range of federal, provincial and municipal sources. Data from Statistics Canada's census documents were commonly used throughout the analysis. The regions outlined above coincide with census subdivisions: Upper Lake Melville (Census Subdivision C), Western Labrador (Census Subdivision D), Eastern Labrador (Census Subdivision B) and Labrador Straits (Census Subdivision A).

Data on population, family structure and income were drawn from census material compiled by Statistics Canada. Population, age, gender and family characteristics data from the 1996 Census of Canada were used. However, income data from this census were not available, and data from the 1991 census were used.

Census data for the Innu community of Sheshatshiu are combined with the data for the non-Innu community of Mud Lake. This affected the discussion of the situation in each community. Also, Sheshatshiu has been discussed in the context of the Labrador North Coast in order to facilitate a comprehensive assessment of environmental effects on Labrador's Aboriginal population. Similar overlap exists between the discussion of family and community for the Inuit communities on the Labrador North Coast, given the fact that, as noted previously, about 50 percent of LIA members live in Upper Lake Melville.

Information on crime, family violence and health were gathered from agencies such as the RCMP, social service agencies and health care boards and agencies. Social services data from the Department of Human Resources and Employment posed some concern with respect to giving a true picture of the current level of use of social services. Data are not formally tabulated by the department and were only compiled at the request of the study team. Also, the department's reporting format changed in October 1993 (Alton Mackey 1995).

24.4.2 Methods

Analyzing the potential environmental effects of the Project on family and community life involved examining existing conditions in the various regions identified. Baseline data on families and community life were gathered from a variety of sources, including Statistics Canada, other federal and provincial departments and agencies, non-governmental organizations, LIA, Innu Nation, LIHC and Innu Health Commission.

Key individuals in various agencies were also contacted to update information and fill any gaps in the data. The analysis also made extensive use of the issues scoping process conducted by VBNC to identify and address concerns of community residents. Where possible, information was collected on:

current aspects of family and community life;

projections as to the future quality of family and community life; and

options for addressing any future problems.

Literature on the environmental effects of large industrial projects on family and community life, including health, was also consulted. Special emphasis was placed on developing an understanding of the environmental effects of industrial projects in Canada, Alaska and Australia.

The effects assessment is based on a review of the Project and how it will affect the existing environment. The analysis in this Chapter focuses on specific aspects of, and problems occurring within, the various regions. Estimates of Project environmental effects are mostly of a qualitative nature, given the nature, availability and quality of data and the issues under discussion.

24.4.3 Existing Conditions

The succeeding sections provide an overview of family and community life in other areas of Labrador and Newfoundland, focusing specifically on Upper Lake Melville, Western Labrador, Eastern Labrador and the Labrador Straits. The discussion concentrates on population structure, family characteristics, household income and social problems in the region. Given that the Project is expected to create only modest levels of demographic and other change on the Island portion of the province, there is only a brief discussion of families and community life in these areas.

24.4.3.1 Upper Lake Melville

Upper Lake Melville contrasts sharply with the Labrador North Coast in terms of the factors that affect the quality of life. As has been seen in earlier chapters, rates of unemployment and poverty are lower than those for the Labrador North Coast, with Upper Lake Melville residents enjoying a higher standard of living (Chapter 21). It also has a higher level of economic activity and quality of infrastructure and service provision (Chapter 23). As a result of these factors, residents of Upper Lake Melville have traditionally had a relatively stable and healthy family and community environment.

Population Structure

In 1996, there were 10,240 persons living in Upper Lake Melville, comprising 35 percent of Labrador's population (Appendix 24C, Table 1). The majority of Upper Lake Melville's population (85 percent) lived in Happy Valley-Goose Bay. Of the remainder 6 percent lived in North West River and 10 percent in Sheshatshiu and Mud Lake.

Upper Lake Melville experienced a 1.9 percent population increase between 1991 and 1996 (Appendix 24C, Table 1). Since 1981 Upper Lake Melville has shown an overall population increase (25.0 percent), while Labrador (-6.8 percent) and the province as a whole (-2.8 percent) have shown overall declines.

Compared to other areas, the population of Happy Valley-Goose Bay is relatively transient. This is due to the town's reliance on the defence industry and the traditionally high mobility rates of persons involved in such activities. In 1991, only 75 percent of the town's population one year of age and over had been living there during the previous year, compared to 85 percent for Labrador and 89 percent for the province (Statistics Canada 1994).

In 1996, the Upper Lake Melville population was approximately 50 percent male and 50 percent female, compared to 51 percent male for Labrador and 49 percent male for the province (Appendix 24C, Table 2). Between 1991 and 1996, the proportion of males to females in Happy Valley-Goose Bay and Upper Lake Melville declined, consist with trends for Labrador and the province.

Compared to the North Coast, youth comprise a smaller proportion of the population. In 1996, 42 percent of Upper Lake Melville's population was under the age of 25, compared to the North Coast (53 percent), Labrador (43 percent) and the province (36 percent) (Appendix 24C, Table 3). In contrast to other Upper Lake Melville communities, Sheshatshiu/Mud Lake had the largest proportion of youth (60 percent).

In 1996, four percent of Upper Lake Melville's population was age 65 years or older, which was the same as the proportion for Labrador and almost seven percent less than that for the province (11 percent) (Appendix 24C, Table 3). Within Upper Lake Melville, the proportion of seniors ranged from 10 percent in North West River to two percent in Sheshatshiu/Mud Lake.

Family Characteristics

In 1996, there were 2,720 census families in Upper Lake Melville. Average family sizes ranged from 3.2 (Happy Valley-Goose Bay) to 4.3 (Sheshatshiu/Mud Lake), as compared to 3.4 and 3.1 persons for Labrador and the province respectively (Appendix 24C, Table 4). In 1996, 42 percent of families in Upper Lake Melville had four or more persons, compared to 43 percent for Labrador and 37 percent for the province (Appendix 24C, Table 4). Sheshatshiu/Mud Lake had the greatest proportion of families with four or more persons (60 percent), and five or more persons (45 percent).

Two parent families were the most common in Upper Lake Melville in 1996 (88 percent) (Appendix 24C, Table 4). The proportion of two parent families in Happy Valley-Goose Bay and Sheshatshiu/Mud Lake were the same as for Upper Lake Melville as a whole, while only 79 percent of families in North West River were two parent families in 1996.

Lone parent families comprised 13 percent of all Upper Lake Melville families, which was similar in Labrador and the province (Appendix 24C, Table 4). Of the Upper Lake Melville communities, almost 21 percent of such families in North West River were headed by one parent, compared to 12 percent in Happy Valley-Goose Bay and 15 percent in Sheshatshiu/Mud Lake. Most lone parent families in Upper Lake Melville (78 percent) were headed by women in 1996. This was similar to Labrador (76 percent), but lower than the figure for the province (84 percent).

While the majority of persons aged 15 years and older in Upper Lake Melville (52.2 percent) were married (not separated) in 1996, the proportion was slightly lower than that for Labrador (53.8 percent) and the province (55.7 percent) (Appendix 24C Table 5). There was a higher proportion of married persons in Happy Valley-Goose Bay than in the other communities in the region. In 1996, persons aged 15 years and older in Upper Lake Melville were more likely to be separated (2.5 percent) or divorced (5.2 percent) than their counterparts in Labrador and the province. Within Upper Lake Melville, persons in Happy Valley-Goose Bay were most likely to be divorced, followed by persons in North West River. The proportion of divorced persons in Sheshatshiu/Mud Lake was lower than that for Upper Lake Melville as a whole, Labrador and the province (Appendix 24C, Table 5).

Family Income

Consistent with other income data (Chapter 21), average family incomes for Upper Lake Melville in 1990 ranged from $22,372 in Sheshatshiu/Mud Lake to $51,039 in Happy Valley-Goose Bay, while median family incomes ranged from $17,728 in Sheshatshiu/Mud Lake to $48,440 in Happy Valley-Goose Bay (Appendix 24C, Table 6). Average and median family incomes in Happy Valley-Goose Bay in 1990 were more than double those for Sheshatshiu/Mud Lake. Both average and median incomes in all Upper Lake Melville communities increased between 1985 and 1990, although the percentage increase in each varied consistently between communities during this period.

Overall, the incidence of low income in Upper Lake Melville was higher than that for Labrador as a whole, but lower than that for the province. In 1990, the incidence among private households in Upper Lake Melville communities ranged from 9.4 percent (Happy Valley-Goose Bay) to 51.9 percent (Sheshatshiu/Mud Lake), while the proportion of economic families classified as having low incomes ranged from 8.7 percent (Happy Valley-Goose Bay) to 50.0 percent (Sheshatshiu/Mud Lake (Appendix 24C, Table 7).

Social Problems

Social problems in Upper Lake Melville are similar to those in other communities. Many of these issues also have implications for families and community life and, hence, for various community services and infrastructure (Chapter 23).

Crime

In 1995, there were 2,504 offences in Upper Lake Melville, a decrease of 27 percent over the figure for 1992 (Appendix 24C, Table 8). Crimes against persons (14 percent) and property (18 percent), and weapons (0.2 percent), drugs (1.4 percent) and liquor (11 percent) offences accounted for 45 percent of all offences 1995.

Drunkenness and under-age drinking have been noted as common liquor offences by the Happy Valley-Goose Bay RCMP detachment (MacLaren Plansearch Limited 1994) As indicated in Appendix 24C, Table 8, the number of drug offences increased by 177 percent between 1992 and 1995. Recent RCMP data on drug offences indicate that there has been trafficking and possession of cocaine, marihuana, hashish and LSD in Upper Lake Melville (Skanes, J. pers. comm.).

Rates of sexual assault in Happy Valley-Goose Bay increased between 1984 and 1991 (Appendix 24C, Table 9). RCMP data indicate that there were 60 sexual assaults in 1992 and 85 in 1993 (Skanes. J. pers. comm.). MacLaren Plansearch Limited (1994) concluded from discussions with a number of social service agencies in the Upper Lake Melville that the majority of sexual assaults were committed by civilian rather than military personnel.

Family Violence

"Public or even private discussion of sexual relations between Innu women and non-Innu men is virtually taboo and risks opening a particularly painful wound in the hearts of many community members. Innu parents feel powerless to stop their daughters going to the Legion or other clubs in Happy Valley-Goose Bay where they are able to establish relationships with military men" (Wadden 1991:161).

Between 1993 and 1995, there was a 36 percent increase in spousal abuse cases in Upper Lake Melville handled by the Department of Human Resources and Employment (then the Department of Social Services) (Appendix 24C, Table 10). The largest increase (34 percent) occurred in 1995. While such cases increased in the Happy Valley-Goose Bay area (including Mud Lake and North West River, as well as Rigolet) between 1993 and 1996, the number handled in Sheshatshiu declined.

There was an overall decrease in the number of times that women and children from Sheshatshiu went to Libra House between 1991 and 1994 (Appendix 24C, Table 11). Use by women and children from North West River during the same was much lower and relatively constant. Between 1991 and 1994, a higher number of women from Sheshatshiu went to Libra House more than once per year in comparison to women from North West River. Also, a much higher number of children from Sheshatshiu were accommodated at the facility. Recent years have also seen a decrease in the use of the facility by residents of Happy Valley-Goose Bay.

Child Protection

Over the 1992 to 1995 period, most of the children in the care at the Department of Social Services in Upper Lake Melville were from Sheshatshiu (Appendix 24C, Table 12). In 1996, the situation reversed, with a higher proportion (55 percent) of the children in care originating from other Upper Lake Melville communities. Over the 1992 to 1996 period, there was an overall decrease of 26 percent in the number of children in care from Sheshatshiu and an increase of 59 percent in the number of children in care from other Upper Lake Melville communities.

The total number of child protection referrals in Upper Lake Melville decreased between 1992 and 1995 (Appendix 24C, Table 13). Over this period, the primary reason for referrals was child neglect. Referrals for sexual, physical and emotional abuse were most common in Happy Valley-Goose Bay. In 1994 and 1995, there were no Sheshatshiu referrals due to abuse.

The number of children receiving follow-up services in Upper Lake Melville increased between 1994 and 1995 (Appendix 24C, Table 14). The majority were neglect cases.

24.4.3.2 Western Labrador

Like Upper Lake Melville, residents of Western Labrador are more likely to be employed and have high incomes than residents elsewhere in Labrador (Chapter 21). These trends follow from a high level of economic activity and result in a high standard of living for Western Labrador residents (Chapter 22). The level and quality of infrastructure and service provision exceeds that in the North Coast communities, and in Upper Lake Melville (Chapter 23).

Population Structure

In 1996, Western Labrador's population was 11,190, or approximately 38 percent of the population of Labrador as a whole (Appendix 24D, Table 1). Labrador City, with a population of 8,455, was the largest community in the region followed by Wabush (2,018) and Census Subdivision D (717), which includes Churchill Falls and a large, otherwise unpopulated, area.

There was an overall decline of 28 percent in the population of Western Labrador between 1981 and 1996 (Appendix 24D, Table 1). All three communities experienced a decline in population: Wabush (36 percent), Labrador City (27 percent) and Churchill Falls (23 percent). The greatest decline in Labrador City (25 percent) and Wabush (16 percent) occurred between 1981 and 1986, coinciding with a down-turn in the iron mining industry (Chapter 22). Over the 1981 to 1996 period, only Labrador City experienced any population growth (five percent between 1986 and 1991).

In 1996, the proportion of youth (individuals less than 25 years of age) in Western Labrador (41 percent) was similar to that for Labrador (43 percent), but higher than that for the province (36 percent) (Appendix 24D, Table 2). The proportion of youth was similar for all three Western Labrador communities and Upper Lake Melville. However, in comparison to the Labrador North Coast communities (53 percent), youth comprise a much smaller proportion of the Western Labrador population (Appendix 24D, Table 2 and Appendix 24A, Table 3).

In contrast to Upper Lake Melville and Labrador, individuals aged 65 years and older comprise a smaller proportion of Western Labrador's population (Appendix 24D, Table 2). In 1996, only two percent of Western Labrador's population was 65 years or older compared to four percent in Labrador and Upper Lake Melville (Appendix 24D, Table 2 and Appendix 24G , Table 3). However, the proportion of seniors in Labrador City and Wabush is increasing, approximately doubling between 1991 and 1996.

The higher proportion of youth and low proportion of individuals aged 65 years and older reflects the facts that work in the mining industry typically attracts younger workers and those communities were developed relatively recently.

Family Characteristics

There were a total of 3,205 census families in Western Labrador in 1996 (Appendix 24D, Table 3). Average census family sizes in individual communities ranged from 3.1 (Wabush) to 3.5 (Churchill Falls). Approximately 11 percent of Western Labrador's families had five or more persons in 1996, compared with 15 percent for Labrador as a whole.

As in the Labrador North Coast and Upper Lake Melville, two parent families were most common in Western Labrador (90 percent). Within Western Labrador, two parent families were most common in Churchill Falls (95 percent). Lone parent families were less common in Western Labrador (10 percent) than in Labrador as a whole (12 percent), Upper Lake Melville (13 percent) and the North Coast (16 percent) (Appendix 24D, Table 3, Appendix 24C, Table 4 and Appendix 24A, Table 4). As for the other areas previously discussed, lone parent families in Western Labrador (72 percent) were most likely to be headed by a female (Appendix 24D, Table 3).

Family Income

As has been discussed in Chapter 21 and 22, this is a relatively affluent area. Of the 3,205 census families in Western Labrador in 1990, approximately 76 percent had family incomes of $50,000 or more, compared with 50 percent families in Labrador as a whole (Appendix 24D, Table 4). Approximately seven percent of the 3,205 census families in Western Labrador had incomes of less than $30,000 in 1990. In Churchill Falls, there were no census families with incomes less than $30,000 and only a small number in Wabush. Average family incomes in Western Labrador ranged from $63,488 in Labrador City to $67,641 in Churchill Falls; 25 percent to 33 percent higher than that for Labrador as a whole (Appendix 24D, Table 4).

In 1990, incidences of low income among unattached individuals, persons in private households and economic families were lower in Labrador City and Wabush than Labrador (Appendix 24D, Table 5). There were no incidents of low income in Churchill Falls.

24.4.3.3 Eastern Labrador

Family and community life in Eastern Labrador is more like that in the North Coast communities than in Western Labrador and Upper Lake Melville. Like communities on the Labrador North Coast, Eastern Labrador communities have high unemployment rates and incidence of low incomes (Chapter 21) and lower levels and quality of infrastructure and service provision. (Chapter 23). These conditions affect families and community life.

Population Structure

In 1996, the population of Eastern Labrador was 2,876, comprising approximately 10 percent of Labrador's population (Appendix 24E, Table 1). Cartwright (628), Port Hope Simpson (577) and Mary's Harbour (474) were the largest incorporated communities, accounting for 58 percent of the region's total population. A high proportion (19 percent) lives in unincorporated areas (i.e. Census Subdivision B, SUN).

There was an overall decline of 2.9 percent in the population of Eastern Labrador between 1991 and 1996 (Appendix 24E, Table 1). However, over the 1981 to 1996 period the population increased by 2.4 percent. From 1991 to 1996, St. Lewis (8 percent), Port Hope Simpson (6 percent) and the unincorporated areas (12.7 percent) all experienced population loss. In contrast, Charlottetown experienced a 13 percent increase.

In 1996, the proportion of youth (individuals less than 25 years of age) in Eastern Labrador (43 percent) was similar to that for Labrador (43 percent), but higher than that for Upper Lake Melville (42 percent) and the province (36 percent) (Appendix 24E, Table 2 and Appendix 24C, table 3). In comparison to the Labrador North Coast, where youth comprise 53 percent of the population, Eastern Labrador has a much smaller youth population (Appendix 24A, Table 3).

In 1996, 6 percent of Eastern Labrador's population was age 65 years or older compared to 11 percent for the province (Appendix 24E, Table 2). Within Eastern Labrador, the proportion of seniors ranged from two percent in Charlottetown to nine percent in Cartwright. Between 1991 and 1996, the proportion of seniors in Eastern Labrador increased by 1 percent, as was the case for Labrador and the province.

Family Characteristics

In 1996, there were 750 census families in Eastern Labrador with average sizes ranging from 3.1 in Cartwright to 3.6 in Port Hope Simpson and St. Lewis (Appendix 24E, Table 3). These were similar to the figures for Labrador (3.4) and the province (3.1) (Appendix 24C, Table 4). In 1996, 47 percent of families in Eastern Labrador had four or more persons per family

As in the other regions previously reviewed, two parent families were most common in Eastern Labrador (86 percent) (Appendix 24E, Table 3). The proportion of lone parent families (13 percent) was slightly higher than that for Labrador (12 percent) and the province (13 percent), but lower than that for the North Coast (16 percent) (Appendix 24E, Table 3, Appendix 24C, Table 4 and Appendix 24A, Table 4). In Eastern Labrador, 89 percent of lone parent families were headed by a woman.

Family Income

Of the 695 census families in Eastern Labrador in 1990, approximately 17 percent had family incomes of $50,000 or more, compared with 50 percent of the 7,620 census families in Labrador and 76 percent of the census families in Western Labrador (Appendix 24E, Table 4 and Appendix 24D, Table 4). In marked contrast to the figure for Western Labrador (7 percent), about 56 percent of census families in Eastern Labrador had incomes of less than $30,000. In 1990, the average family income in Eastern Labrador ranged from $27,868 in unincorporated areas to $36,342 in St. Lewis; 45 percent to 29 percent lower than that for Labrador as a whole (Appendix 24E, Table 4).

The overall incidence of low income in Eastern Labrador in 1990 was similar to that for the province, but higher than other areas of Labrador, except the Labrador North Coast where the incidence of low income was higher. The incidence of low income among persons in private households ranged from 11.5 percent in Mary's Harbour to 24 percent in Port Hope Simpson (Appendix 24E, Table 5). The incidence of low income among Eastern Labrador economic families ranged from 10.5 percent in Mary's Harbour to 25.0 percent in Port Hope Simpson.

24.4.3.4 Labrador Straits

Family and community life in the Labrador Straits has similarities to Eastern Labrador, but is more closely linked with life in northern Newfoundland due its proximity and transportation connections (Chapter 23). Like communities in Eastern Labrador, and northern Newfoundland, communities in the Labrador Straits area have higher unemployment rates and incidence of low incomes than Upper Lake Melville or Western Labrador (Chapter 21). The level and quality of infrastructure and service provision is generally higher than in Eastern Labrador and North Coast communities (Chapter 23).

Population Structure

In 1996 the Labrador Straits population was 2,062, representing approximately 7 percent of Labrador's population (Appendix 24F, Table 1). L'Anse au Loup (621) and Forteau (505) were the largest communities in the region, collectively accounting for 55 percent of the region's population.

There was an overall decline of 5.3 percent in Labrador Straits population between 1991 and 1996, and an overall decline of 8.1 percent between 1981 and 1996.

In 1996, the proportion of youth (individuals less than 25 years of age) in Labrador Straits (37 percent) was lower than that for Labrador (43 percent), but similar to that for the province (36 percent) (Appendix 24F, Table 2 and Appendix 24C, Table 3). In comparison to the Labrador North Coast, where youth comprise 53 percent of the population, the Labrador Straits has a much smaller youth population (Appendix 24F, Table 2 and Appendix 24A, Table 3).

In 1996, 10 percent of the Labrador Straits population was age 65 years compared to 11 percent for the province (Appendix 24F, Table 2). The proportion of seniors ranged from 6 percent in L'Anse au Loup to 24 percent in the unincorporated areas. Between 1991 and 1996, the proportion of seniors in Labrador Straits increased by 3 percent.

Family Characteristics

In 1996, there were 590 census families in the Labrador Straits area with average family sizes ranging from 3.1 in West St. Modeste to 3.5 in Red Bay (Appendix 24F, Table 3). In 1996, 39 percent of families in the Labrador Straits had four or more persons per family, compared to 43 percent for Labrador and 37 percent for the province (Appendix 24F, Table 3 and Appendix 24C, Table 4).

As in the other regions previously reviewed, two parent families were most common in Labrador Straits (90 percent) (Appendix 24F, Table 3). The proportion of lone parent families (9 percent) was lower than for Labrador (12 percent) and the province (13 percent). A higher proportion of lone parent families in (36 percent) were headed by men, compared to Labrador (24 percent) and the province (16 percent) (Appendix 24F, Table 3 and Appendix 24C, Table 4).

Family Income

Of the 440 census families in the four Labrador Straits communities for which 1990 data are available, approximately 18 percent had family incomes of $50,000 or more, compared with 50 percent of the census families in Labrador and 76 percent of those in Western Labrador (Appendix 24F, Table 4 and Appendix 24D, Table 4). Approximately 45 percent of census families in the Labrador Straits had incomes of less than $30,000 in 1990, compared to 56 percent in Eastern Labrador and 25 percent in Labrador. In 1990, average family incomes in Labrador Straits ranged from $23,646 in Red Bay to $40,101 in L'Anse au Loup; 54 percent to 21 percent lower, respectively, than that for Labrador (Appendix 24F, Table 4). Both average and median incomes for Labrador Straits were similar to those for Eastern Labrador and the Labrador North Coast.

Interpretation of data on low income in the region is difficult since information is only available for several communities. Based on the available data ,the incidence of low income among private households in Labrador Straits communities ranged from 6.3 percent in Red Bay to 20.7 percent in L'Anse au Clair. The proportion of economic families classified having low incomes during that year ranged from 5.3 percent (L'Anse au Loup) to 18.9 percent (L'Anse au Clair), (Appendix 24F, Table 5).

24.4.3.5 Newfoundland

In 1996 there were a total of 551,792 persons living in Newfoundland (Appendix 24C, Table 1). While there was a very slight increase in population over the 10 year period from 1981 to 1991 (0.1 percent), the population decreased by 2.9 percent from 1991 to 1996. This decrease was, however, lower than that experienced in, for example, the Labrador North Coast (-5.4 percent), during that period. (Appendix 24A, Table 1, Appendix 24C, Table 1, Appendix 24D, Table 1)

As illustrated in Appendix 24C, Table 3, approximately 36 percent of the population of the province was under the age of 25 in 1996, compared with, for example, 43 percent in Labrador, 42 percent in Upper Lake Melville and 53 percent in the Labrador North Coast (Appendix 24C, Table 3 and Appendix 24A, Table 3). Approximately 11 percent of the province's population were 65 years of age or over in 1996, compared with less than 10 percent in 1991. (Appendix 24C, Table 3)

There were a total of 155,750 census families in the province in 1996. Approximately 11 percent of the province's families had five or more persons in 1996, compared with 15 percent in Labrador. The average number of persons per census family in Newfoundland in 1996 was 3.1, lower than values for Labrador (3.4), and all of the Upper Lake Melville and North Coast communities (Appendix 24C, Table 4 and Appendix 24A, Table 4).

As in the Labrador regions previously discussed, two parent families were the most common family type in the province in 1996, comprising approximately 87 percent of the total number of census families. Lone parent families accounted for 13 percent of the province's families during that year, and of these, approximately 84 percent were headed by a female parent (Appendix 24C, Table 4).

The majority (56 percent) of persons 15 years of age and over in the province were married in 1996 compared with 54 percent in Labrador (Appendix 24C, Table 5). Approximately six percent of the province's population were either separated or divorced, similar to the proportion in Labrador during that year.

The average family income in the province in 1990 was $40,942, approximately 19 percent lower than that for Labrador ($50,854). Similarly, the median family income in the province in 1990 ($35,184) was approximately 30 percent less than that for Labrador ($50,044). Both the average and median family incomes in the province as a whole were higher in 1990 than in 1985, increasing by 42 percent and 44 percent, respectively (Appendix 24C, Table 6).

The incidence of low income for persons in private households in Newfoundland in 1990 was 17.0 percent, a decrease of 6.4 percent from 1985. Similarly, the incidence of low income among economic families in Newfoundland decreased by 5.7 percent to 15.8 percent in 1990 (Appendix 24C, Table 7).

24.4.4 Likely Future Conditions

This section describes the likely future conditions of Upper Lake Melville, Western Labrador, Eastern Labrador, Labrador Straits and the province as a whole without the Project.

24.4.4.1 Upper Lake Melville

Upper Lake Melville is already one of the more prosperous regions in the province, with relatively stable and healthy social environment. Happy Valley-Goose Bay has a range of recreational and cultural opportunities rare in a community of its size, largely due to the presence of CFB Goose Bay. In the absence of Project activities, continued improvements to the Trans-Labrador Highway (TLH), an extension of the highway across Eastern Labrador and the Labrador Straits, and continued military flight training at CFB Goose Bay could be expected to help maintain the region's economy (Chapter 22). However, residents have long sought a more diversified economy, based on the resources of the region and less subject to fluctuating defence budgets and priorities.

24.4.4.2 Western Labrador

Like Upper Lake Melville, Western Labrador is currently one of the more prosperous areas of the province, and is also characterized by are relatively stable and healthy social environment. Economic activities and subsequent prosperity in the area have traditionally fluctuated with shifts in demands for iron ore, but conditions have been somewhat stable in recent years. Churchill Falls has traditionally enjoyed an even greater degree of stability, given its company town status and the long-term nature of the power contracts on which it depends. As a result, Western Labrador residents have traditionally enjoyed a good standard of living and a wide range of amenities, and this has contributed to a relatively stable family and community setting.

This is likely to continue relatively unchanged without the Project. Planned improvements to the TLH may result in a further strengthening of the local economy (Chapters 21 and 22). While the obvious outcome of such improved accessibility is an economic diversification of communities heavily dependent upon a single employer, this is also likely to result in subsequent improvements in the quality of family and community life in the area.

24.4.4.3 Eastern Labrador

Eastern Labrador has, in recent years, been characterized by declining economic activity. This has brought about high unemployment rates and incidences of low income, in sharp contrast with the affluence and prosperity of, for example, Western Labrador (Chapter 21). Without the Project, this trend is likely to continue, resulting in out-migration (particularly among the area's youth) and declining birth rates. This, in turn, will likely result in continued change to the area's family and community structure.

24.4.4.4 Labrador Straits

Without the Project, out-migration from the Labrador Straits is also expected to continue, resulting in alterations to the region's community and family structure. However, given the fact that the region's economy is somewhat stronger and more diversified than that of Eastern Labrador, changes to community and family life will be more modest, at least in the near future.

24.4.4.5 Other Areas of Newfoundland and Labrador

The high levels of unemployment and out-migration (particularly among the province's youth) that have characterized Newfoundland society are likely to continue, further altering the family and community structure of the province. As such out-migration is especially prevalent among the province's youth, the trend towards an aging population in the province will also continue in the foreseeable future. The resulting change in community and family life will, however, likely continue to vary regionally.

24.5 Environmental Effects Assessment - Other Areas of Labrador and Newfoundland

Aspects of the Project that will affect families and community life in other areas of Labrador and Newfoundland are the same as for the Labrador North Coast. Potential environmental effects include:

transportation (Chapter 3);
pick-up points (Chapter 3);
IBAs (Chapter 4);
employment and income - direct, indirect and induced (Chapter 21);
economic growth (Chapter 22);
employment benefits (Chapter 3);
work schedule (Chapter 3);
demographic change (Chapter 21);
operations shutdown/mine closure (Chapter 3); and
accidental event (Chapter 3).

Potential environmental effects are listed in Table 24.3 and a synthesis of environmental effects is provided in Appendix 24G.

Table 24.3 Potential Environmental Effects - Other Areas of Labrador and Newfoundland

Potential Environmental Effects	Project Phase	Activities
Work-Related Stress	Construction Operation	Transportation Employment and Income Work Schedule Operations Shutdown/Mine Closure Accidental Event
Managing Income	Construction Operation	Employment and Income
Income Differentials	Construction Operation	Employment and Income
Cost of Living Increase	Construction Operation	Employment and Income Project Expenditures Demographic Change
Marital and Family Stress	Construction Operation Decommissioning	Transportation Employment and Income Work Schedule Demographic Change Operations Shutdown/Mine Closure Accidental Event
Social Problems	Construction Operation Decommissioning Post-decommissioning	Transportation Employment and Income Economic Growth Work Schedule Demographic Change Operations Shutdown/Mine Closure
Community Leadership	Construction Operation	Work Schedule
^a demographic change is directly related to Project need for employees

24.5.1 Upper Lake Melville and Western Labrador

Sam Metcalfe (Panel Member): "…related to your conclusion that the Voisey's Bay Project will provide positive influences to improving the health status of the population of Newfoundland and Labrador…What led you to make that statement in such a positive way when other groups are saying the opposite?"

Dr. Faith Stratton (Provincial Department of Health): "…health is very positively related to income. It's related to social status. It's related to education and it's the belief that this relationship is what will cause the positive health effects that the income in the area will increase."

Panel Scoping Hearing Transcript April 29, 1997.

This section describes the environmental effects of the Project on families and community life in Upper Lake Melville and Western Labrador. In some cases these are similar to those occurring on the North Coast, in which case the reader is referred to the discussion in Section 24.2. In other cases there are distinct environmental effects which are considered in greater detail here.

The environmental effects on families and community life in Upper Lake Melville and Western Labrador (excepting Churchill Falls, which will experience minimal environmental effects) will be broadly similar since both are urban centres which will be pick-up points and provide a range of goods and services to the Project. As a result, they will derive a wide range of economic benefits, although there may also be some wage and price inflation in Upper Lake Melville (Chapter 22). In the case of both areas, the economic benefits will have positive consequences for families and community life. For many, it will mean higher family incomes and an improved standard of living. They will be able to do such things as renovate their house, buy a new home, take a vacation or provide a post-secondary education for their children. For some, it will mean a decreased dependence on transfers and greater independence and self-esteem.

As on the North Coast, some will have difficulties managing new or increased income, although most people are familiar with waged employment and there is a much more widespread use of banks and easier access to credit counseling and advice. Similarly, while income differentials may cause some tensions and difficulties, these will be less common than on the North Coast given the larger populations and generally higher average incomes in Upper Lake Melville and Western Labrador.

The Project is expected to cause population increase in both Upper Lake Melville and Western Labrador (Chapter 21), but the consequences for families and community life will differ between the two. In the case of Upper Lake Melville, Project-related in-migration will put pressure on some services and infrastructure which may result in a lower level of service in the short-term but ultimately result in improved levels of provision (Chapter 23). Commute work also helps spread the pattern of demand for services and infrastructure, making more effective use of existing capacity, since workers can use them at non-peak times during their periods in their home communities. Any Project-related demands and population increase will also result in improved retail, transportation and other services, benefiting families and the community as a whole.

As has been described in Chapter 22, there may also be price inflation, especially in the housing market, which could lead to overcrowding and difficulties getting adequate accommodations. People dependent on fixed and low incomes, who disproportionately include the elderly, women, lone-parents and their dependents, may experience a decline in their standard of living. Such problems are likely to be most prevalent during construction and early operations, as the labour market and the provision of services and infrastructure adjusts to new demands.

The situation will be different in Western Labrador, given that Labrador City and Wabush are modern communities with a good provision of infrastructure and services which are currently underutilized given declines in population in the recent past. Project-related in-migration will only increase the viability of existing services and infrastructure and there should not be any environmental effects on the cost or standards of living.

The effects of work-related, marital and family stress, discussed in Section 24.2, will be similar in Upper Lake Melville and Western Labrador. The main differences are that family members will have greater access to day care, recreation and other services and facilities which help deal with the pattern of presence or absence of the worker. They will also have easier access to temporary or supply work, which is commonly favoured by commute workers' spouses, since it gives them the opportunity of working during the periods the commute worker is away from the community. However, the relatively high rates of turnover among the population of Upper Lake Melville mean that numbers of current residents, and Project-related in-migrants to both areas, do not have members of their extended families living locally. Such extended family members can provide valuable support to commute workers families during the periods of absence of one spouse. In the absence of such family support, greater demands will be put on community services.

Commute workers and their family members living in Upper Lake Melville and Western Labrador, as compared with those on the North Coast, will also have the benefit of a greater range of, and more immediate access to, support services such as counseling services and shelters that may be required should severe problems arise from the work system. This would include services provided through VBNCs Employee Assistance Program, which will assist with emotional, financial, family life and other problems.

As in the North Coast communities, increased affluence can cause social and health problems though increased spending on alcohol, drugs and gambling. The latter is somewhat more likely in Upper Lake Melville and Western Labrador than on the North Coast given the greater availability of lottery machines, lottery tickets and bingo games.

Given that the reported incidence of spousal abuse and sexual assaults have been increasing in Upper Lake Melville and the fact that both it and Western Labrador will experience Project-related in-migration and other changes, there is potential for a continued increase in these crimes. There is also the danger that the stress associated with commute work or its impact on marital life (including issues about infidelity) will lead to wife abuse. However, in contrast, there is likely to be a decrease in the incidence of poverty-related crimes.

Increased incomes and any Project-related increases in the proportion of male workers passing through the area (especially during construction, and possibly including speculative in-migrants) may lead to increased prostitution. Prostitution is most likely be a problem in Happy Valley-Goose Bay, given that this is the most likely transit point for any Project workers arriving from Eastern Labrador, the Labrador Straits, Newfoundland or other provinces. The severity of this problem is difficult to forecast, but should not be a major problem given the fact that the workers will mostly travel directly between their home communities and the worksite. It should be easily managed by the existing police, health and social service agencies.

The only anticipated health problem is an increase in the incidence of sexually transmitted diseases (including HIV/AIDS). This is again most likely to be an issue during the construction phase of the Project and in Upper Lake Melville. Both the likelihood and the severity of this problem are difficult to forecast, depending heavily on such factors as numbers of speculative in-migrants, the workforce demographics and the frequency of weather delays and associated missed flight connections. However, as with prostitution, this should not be a major problem given the fact that the workers will mostly travel directly between their home communities and the work site.

24.5.2 Eastern Labrador and Labrador Straits

As is the case for community services and infrastructure (Chapter 23), Eastern Labrador will not experience environmental effects on family and community life of the same nature or scale as those experienced in the North Coast or Upper Lake Melville and Western Labrador communities. Environmental effects in Eastern Labrador will result from economic growth during the construction and operations phases (Chapter 21 and 22). Individuals obtaining employment and their families will experience positive effects from having steady employment, income and other benefits. Improved self-esteem and a standard of living for the individual and family will have positive environmental effects throughout the community.

Without a pick-up point in the region, some individuals who obtain employment at the site will relocate to be closer to a pick-up point while others will stay in the community and regularly commute to Happy Valley-Goose Bay to connect with scheduled flights to the Project site. Lower housing costs and a slower pace of life will be an incentive for some individuals to stay. However, others will want to be near the amenities of Happy Valley-Goose Bay and will have the means to purchase goods and services offered there.

Based on current trends, out-migration in these communities will continue. Out-migration from these small communities will affect overall community life, as well as disrupt family groups. As discussed, these small coastal Labrador communities have close family groups where individuals commonly support each other in the conduct of many daily tasks. The families of individuals who decide to commute will be without a spouse or one parent for regular periods of time. These families, in particular those with young parents and small children, will likely rely more on extended family members and others in the community for support. For example, family members may provide child care services for young parents who work. This is a positive benefit for families in a small community, especially lone parents who obtain work at the site. Given that young adults are most likely to relocate for employment purposes, those who are parents will have to find alternate child care services in their new location.

Out-migration of youth will leave an aging population in many of these communities. More elderly people will be left without support from younger family members. Such changes will alter the overall structure of the community.

Given the high unemployment rate and incidence of low income in Eastern Labrador, steady employment and income will have a positive effect for individuals who obtain employment and their families. People will have a means of improving their living situation such as renovating or building new houses, and purchasing goods and services (Chapter 23). An improved standard of living will contribute to improved self-esteem and also have a positive environmental effect on community life.

As discussed for the other regions, with the rotational work schedule workers will have a period of two weeks off allowing for more time with their families. This will allow time for workers to undertake projects such as home renovations or participate in various family activities such as travel to the summer fishing stations. Combined with a regular income, workers and their families will have additional resources to support travel to the summer fishing stations. Employment and economic growth will enhance this long time traditional seasonal activity, as well as other subsistence activities, having an overall positive effect on community life. Positive effects of this nature will act to reduce any potential adverse environmental effects, such as family violence or substance abuse.

Decommissioning will result in decreased employment and economic activity which will have a negative effect on family and community life, contribute to out-migration and lead to an increased dependence on transfer payments.

In conclusion, the overall environmental effect of Project construction and operations on family and community life in Eastern Labrador will be positive, with employment and associated income contributing to an overall improvement in living conditions for worker's families.

Environmental effects on family and community life in the Labrador Straits due to the Project will be similar to those experienced in Eastern Labrador. Economic growth, largely due to employment and associated income, will improve the standard of living for many in the community, as well as the community as a whole (Chapter 21). Like Eastern Labrador, communities in the Labrador Straits will not experience the wider economic effects experienced in the Labrador North Coast region. These communities will not be affected by the IBAs and there will be little economic activity generated in these communities as a result of the Project (Chapter 21).

Without a pick-up point (Chapter 3) and considering the fact that the region already has a high out-migration rate, some workers will relocate closer to a pick-up point. However, others will continue to live in the community and regularly commute to a designated pick-up point. Remaining in the community will allow workers and their families to be close to family members and take advantage of a lower cost of living. However, out-migration will be disruptive for families and have an overall adverse environmental effect on community life.

24.5.3 Newfoundland

Family and community well-being in other areas of Newfoundland and Labrador are considered only in relation to locations where Project employees and their families are living. In this case, the emphasis is on family life. Broader environmental effects on health and community life are not expected in other areas of Newfoundland and Labrador, since these communities will not be directly affected or experience any large population increase either directly or indirectly as a result of the construction and operation of the Project.

Project employees and their families throughout the province will likely also experience an increased level of self-esteem. This would be particularly important for people who have been unemployed or living on low or fixed incomes. The overall environmental effect of this be will positive and beneficial to the individual, the family and the community as a whole.

24.5.4 Accidental Events

The environmental effect of accidental events on communities will depend on their nature and severity. In the most extreme case, an accident resulting in the death of a number of residents of a small community would have profound psychosocial and economic consequences, although the former would be mitigated by the availability of an employee assistance program and other supports and the latter would be mitigated through both the VBNC benefits program and Workers' Compensation Commission payments.

24.5.5 Cumulative Environmental Effects

Project construction, operations and decommissioning will coincide with several other industrial undertakings. The cumulative environmental effects of these undertakings and the Project will be both positive and negative in other areas of Labrador, as well as elsewhere in the province.

24.5.5.1 Upper Lake Melville

Project construction will affect family and community life in Upper Lake Melville, especially in the Town of Happy Valley-Goose Bay. The Project will be occurring at a point in the area's history and development when a number of other projects will be advancing and operating. Thus, there are likely to be a number of cumulative environmental effects on family and community life.

Family and community life in Happy Valley-Goose Bay is largely centred, both directly and indirectly, around CFB Goose Bay. While the base has been undergoing some downsizing and laying off employees in recent years, it still remains the area's largest employer and source of many individual and household incomes. Over the past two years, family and community life has also been affected by the increased level of exploration activity that has been occurring in Labrador. Project construction and operation phases will place additional demands on family life.

Over the next few years, during the same period as Project construction, family life in Upper Lake Melville will be affected by the construction of the new hospital proposed for Happy Valley-Goose Bay, and possible construction of a hydroelectric project on the Kamistastin River. There will also be continued housing construction in Happy Valley-Goose Bay as a result of the increased population. All of these activities will mean increased population and income levels, and an overall change in the nature of the community, which will have an environmental effect on family life.

During the operation phase, the level of construction activity and the pace of community change is expected to be considerably reduced. The relocation of Utshimassits will continue into the operation phase of the Project. Mineral exploration activity is also likely to continue on into the construction phase, and as a result, the environmental effect on family and community life will be reduced.

24.5.5.2 Western Labrador

In Western Labrador, Project construction and operations will coincide with ongoing mining operations in Labrador City and Wabush. The continued economic activity generated by these operations, in conjunction with the economic environmental effects associated with the Project, will have a positive effect on family and community life in the area.

Improvements to the TLH between Churchill Falls and Happy Valley-Goose Bay and expansion of the TLH through to Labrador Straits will improve transportation links in Labrador. These improvements will have economic benefits for the region and subsequently, benefits for family and community life. Some individuals in the region will obtain employment on these projects

24.5.5.3 Eastern Labrador and Labrador Straits

Project construction and operations will have limited effects on families and community life in Eastern Labrador and the Labrador Straits, both on their own and in conjunction with the construction and operation of the highway linking Upper Lake Melville with the Labrador Straits.

24.5.5.4 Newfoundland

In Newfoundland and Labrador, a high proportion of the population is married and have children. Despite an increase in recent years, provincial divorce rates remain lower than national averages. While average household incomes in the province have increased since 1985, they are still lower than the national average.

Labrador is similar to the rest of the province in terms of marital status and proportion of divorced persons. Average household incomes are higher and the incidence of low income is lower than for the province as a whole. However, the relative affluence of Western Labrador and Happy Valley-Goose Bay heavily influence this average. Incomes on the coast, both north and south, are considerably below the provincial average. Within Upper Lake Melville, average household incomes are similar to that for the province, while the proportion of single (never married), divorced and separated persons is higher.

Happy Valley-Goose Bay is one of the cosmopolitan communities in the province, because of an unusual diversity of ethnic groups and the presence of relatively large numbers of foreign military personnel training at CFB Goose Bay. When the U.S. Air Force lease on the base expired in 1972, the community inherited a large number of facilities built for American flyers, such that recreation opportunities are much more diverse than the population size would suggest. The population is relatively young, and highly oriented to outdoor and family activities such as skiing, camping and boating.

24.5.6 Optimization of Environmental Effects

In addition to VBNC's commitments, the provincial and federal governments, LIA, Innu Nation and various non-governmental organizations are responsible for monitoring aspects of family and community life, and responding to problems that arise. VBNC will co-operate and assist by providing Project information. However, various aspects of Project design will optimize effects on family life, including:

the standard operation work schedule of 14 days on/14 days off;

appropriate living and social environment at the Project site (e.g. single rooms);

employee assistance program; and

telephone access.

24.6 Residual Environmental Effects - Other Areas of Labrador and Newfoundland

Residual environmental effects on family and community remaining after optimization of socioeconomic effects are summarized in Table 24.4. Definitions of residual environmental effects ratings are discussed in Section 24.3.

Table 24.4 Summary of Residual Environmental Effects on Family and Community - Other Areas of Labrador and Newfoundland

Project Phase	Residual Environmental Effect	Region Affected^a	Significance	Likelihood^b(Probability)	Sustainable (Capacity) Use of Renewable Resources ^b
Construction	Family and Community Change^c	ULM WL EL/LS NF	Minor Minor Minor Negligible	n/a n/a n/a n/a	n/a^dn/a n/a n/a
Operation	Family and Community Change^c	ULM WL EL/LS NF	Minor Minor Minor Negligible	n/a n/a n/a n/a	n/a n/a n/a n/a
Decommissioning	Family and Community Change^c	ULM WL EL/LS NF	Minor Minor Minor Negligible	n/a n/a n/a n/a	n/a n/a n/a n/a
Post-Decommissioning	Family and Community Change^c	ULM WL EL/LS NF	Minor Negligible Negligible Negligible	n/a n/a n/a n/a	n/a n/a n/a n/a
Accidental Event	Family and Community Change^c	ULM WL EL/LS NF	Minor Minor Minor Minor	n/a n/a n/a n/a	n/a n/a n/a n/a
^aULM = Upper Lake Melville, WL = Western Labrador, ES/LS = Eastern Labrador/Labrador Straits, NF = Newfoundland ^bLikelihood and sustainable use of renewable resources are only defined for environmental effects that are significant (moderate or major) as noted in CEAA (1994). ^cFamily and community change can be positive or negative ^d Family and community residual environmental effects are not applicable in the evaluation of renewable resources.

24.6.1.1 Construction

In Upper Lake Melville, there will be minor (not significant) residual environmental effects on family and community life during construction. For Western Labrador, Eastern Labrador and the Labrador Straits, residual environmental effects on family and community during construction will be minor (not significant), while residual environmental effects on the island will be negligible (not significant).

24.6.1.2 Operation

During operations, Upper Lake Melville will experience minor (not significant) residual environmental effects on family and community life. For Western Labrador, Eastern Labrador and the Labrador Straits, residual environmental effects on family and community during operations will be minor (not significant), while residual environmental effects on the island will be negligible (not significant).

24.6.1.3 Decommissioning

During decommissioning, Upper Lake Melville will experience minor (not significant) residual environmental effects on family and community life. For Western Labrador, Eastern Labrador and the Labrador Straits, residual environmental effects on family and community during decommissioning will be minor (not significant), while residual environmental effects on the island will be negligible (not significant).

24.6.1.4 Post-Decommissioning

During post-decommissioning, Upper Lake Melville will experience minor (not significant) residual environmental effects on family and community life. Western Labrador, Eastern Labrador and the Labrador Straits, as well as the island, will experience negligible (not significant) residual environmental effects during the post-decommissioning phase.

24.6.1.5 Accidental Events

In most cases an accidental event will have a minor (not significant) residual environmental effect on family and community in Upper Lake Melville, Western Labrador, Eastern Labrador, Labrador Straits and on the island.

24.6.1.6 Follow-up Program

No monitoring or follow-up requirements are anticipated.

24.7 References

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Personal Communications

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Elliott, D. Regional Manager's Secretary, Department of Social Services. Happy Valley-Goose Bay, Labrador. Letter dated November 15, 1996.

Goulding, A. Senior Planner, Department of Municipal and Provincial Affairs. St. John's, NF.

Gray, K. Supervisor for Aboriginal Communities, Department of Human Resources and Employment. Happy Valley-Goose Bay, Labrador. Personal interview October 10, 1997.

Hayden, E. Regional Manager, Department of Human Resources and Employment. Happy Valley-Goose Bay, Labrador. Personal interview October 10, 1997

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.

Appendix 24A

Family and Community
Labrador North Coast

Table 1
Table 2
Table 3
Table 4
Table 5
Table 6
Table 7
Table 8
Table 9
Table 10

Table 11 Use of Libra House Services By Community - Labrador North Coast, 1991 to 1995

Community Year

1991 1992 1993 1994 1995*

Nain

Number of Times Facilities Were Used 14 16 29 11 7

Number of Women Going to Libra House More than Once per Year 5 4 5 3 0

Children Accommodated 32 36 48 12 16

Total Women Accommodated n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a

Utshimassits

Number of Times Facilities Were Used 12 9 6 8 5

Number of Women Going to Libra House More than Once per Year 1 3 0 0 1

Children Accommodated 20 25 15 26 11

Total Women Accommodated n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a

Hopedale

Number of Times Facilities Were Used 9 7 4 2 1

Number of Women Going to Libra House More than Once per Year 1 2 0 0 1

Children Accommodated 14 10 13 3 1

Total Women Accommodated n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a

Makkovik

Number of Times Facilities Were Used 3 0 0 0 0

Number of Women Going to Libra House More than Once per Year 0 0 0 0 0

Children Accommodated 3 0 0 0 0

Total Women Accommodated n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a

Postville

Number of Times Facilities Were Used 2 1 1 0 0

Number of Women Going to Libra House More than Once per Year 0 0 0 0 0

Children Accommodated 0 3 3 0 0

Total Women Accommodated n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a

* January - May 1995
n/a Data Not Available
Source: O'Donnell, J. pers. comm.

Table 12 Number of Children in the Care of the Department of Social Services by Community and Level of Financial Assistance - Labrador North Coast, 1992 to 1996

Community and Financial Assistance Year¹

1992 1993 1994 1995 1996

Nain

Receiving Financial Assistance 14 16 17 19 17

Not Receiving Financial Assistance 1 0 0 1 0

Receiving Financial Assistance (In care of extended family) 11 12 9 13 7

Utshimassits

Receiving Financial Assistance 4 1 4 3 3

Not Receiving Financial Assistance 1 1 1 0 0

Receiving Financial Assistance (In care of extended family) 15 13 17 17 35

Hopedale²

Receiving Financial Assistance 7 8 9 10 7

Not Receiving Financial Assistance 0 2 1 0 0

Receiving Financial Assistance (In care of extended family) 6 10 10 9 7

Total Children in Care 59 63 68 72 76

¹ Fiscal year ending March 31 of each year.
² Hopedale data include Makkovik and Postville (Rigolet is included in data for Happy Valley-Goose Bay).
Source: Elliott, D. pers. comm.

Table 13 Child Protection Referrals by Community - Labrador North Coast, 1992 to 1995¹

1992 1993 1994 1995

Type of Referral N U H² N U H² N U H² N U H²

Current Investigations n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a

Neglect 115 8 30 115 17 24 0 0 0 0 0 0

Sexual Abuse by Family Member n/a n/a n/a n/a 6 2 0 0 0 0 0 0

Sexual Abuse by Third Party n/a n/a n/a 0 2 12 0 0 0 0 0 0

Physical Abuse by Family Member n/a n/a n/a 0 3 1 0 0 0 5 0 0

Physical Abuse by Third Party n/a n/a n/a 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0

Emotional Abuse by Family Member n/a n/a n/a 0 0 5 0 0 0 0 0 0

Emotional Abuse by Third Party n/a n/a n/a 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

Total Referrals 115 8 30 115 28 45 0 0 0 5 0 0

Total Labrador North Coast 153 156 0 5

Note: N (Nain), U (Utshimassits), H (Hopedale)
¹ Fiscal year ending March 31 of each year.
² Hopedale data include Makkovik and Postville (Rigolet is included in data for Happy Valley-Goose Bay)
n/a Data Not Available
Source: Elliott, D. pers. comm.

Table 14 Children Receiving Follow-up Services by Community
Labrador North Coast, 1994 and 1995¹

1994 1995

Reason for Follow-up Service Nain Utshimassits Hopedale² Nain Utshimassits Hopedale²

Neglect 85 27 24 84 59 32

Sexual Abuse by Family Member 0 8 0 0 4 1

Sexual Abuse by Third Party 0 4 2 0 11 2

Physical Abuse by Family Member 0 6 0 4 8 0

Physical Abuse by Third Party 0 0 0 0 0 0

Emotional Abuse by Family Member 0 0 0 0 0 0

Emotional Abuse by Third Party 0 0 0 0 0 0

Total Follow-up Services 85 45 26 88 82 35

Total Labrador North Coast 156 205

¹ Fiscal year ending March 31 of each year.
² Hopedale data include Makkovik and Postville (Rigolet is included in data for Happy Valley-Goose Bay).
Source: Elliott, D. pers. comm.

Table 15 Attempted and Contemplated Suicides -
Utshimassits, July 18, 1991 to June 28, 1995

Period Reported Cases

July 18, 1991 - July 18, 1992 24

July 19, 1992 - July 18, 1993 89

July 19, 1993 - December 31, 1993 90

January 1, 1994 - December 31, 1994 35

January 1, 1995 - June 28, 1995 20

Source: Alton Mackey 1995

Table 16 Total Number of Hospitalizations by Select Disease Conditions - Labrador North Coast and Sheshatshiu, 1995-96

Nain Utshimassits Hopedale Makkovik Postville Rigolet Labrador North Coast Sheshatshiu

Respiratory 34 10 19 3 - 3 69 44

Accidents 18 10 18 4 2 - 52 24

Digestive 70 34 43 5 18 10 180 41

Ill-Defined 23 13 17 7 6 9 75 20

Alcohol - 4 - - - 1 5 4

Skin 10 3 - 2 1 1 17 6

Cardiovascular 3 4 5 2 - 3 17 1

Cerebrovascular 9 1 5 - 3 1 19 2

Cancer 9 1 3 1 - 3 17 -

Other 123 46 65 32 32 22 320 125

Total Number of Hospitalizations 299 126 175 56 62 53 771 267

Population (1996) 996 386 591 367 223 259 2,822 941

Hospitalizations/ 100 Residents 30.0 32.6 29.6 15.3 27.8 20.5 27.3 28.4

Source: Jackman, G. pers. comm.; Statistics Canada 1997a

Table 17 Hospitalizations for Pregnancy Conditions - Labrador North Coast and Sheshatshiu, 1995-96

Nain Utshimassits Hopedale Makkovik Postville Rigolet Labrador North Coast Sheshatshiu

Normal Deliveries 24 7 12 2 4 1 50 22

Birth Trauma - - - - - - - -

Pregnancy Complications 2 2 5 - - 1 10 21

Hemorrage 3 1 1 - 1 - 6 4

Labour/Delivery Complications - 2 - - - 1 3 1

Abortion 7 - 2 2 - - 11 3

Total 36 12 20 4 5 3 80 51

Live Births 25 10 14 2 4 3 58 30

Source: Jackman, G. pers. comm.

Table 18 Teenage Pregnancies - Labrador North Coast, Sheshatshiu, Northern Newfoundland and Newfoundland & Labrador, 1995-96

Number of Teenage Pregnancies Female Population Aged 15-19 (1996) Teenage Pregnancy Rate

Nain 8 55 0.145

Utshimasits 4 20 0.200

Hopedate 4 20 0.200

Makkovik - 10 0.000

Postville - 10 0.000

Rigolet - 10 0.000

Labrador North Coast 16 125 0.128

Sheshatshiu 11 40¹ 0.275

Northern Newfoundland² 119 2,220 0.054

Newfoundland & Labrador 896 22,450 0.040

¹Sheshatshiu population by age and gender not available. Per capita value calculated using population of Census Division 10, Subd. C, SUN (i.e. Sheshatshiu/Mud Lake).
² Includes Harbour Deep, Roddickton, Reef's Harbour to St. Anthony and all of Labrador
Source: Jackman, G. pers. comm.; Statistics Canada 1997b.

Table 19 Numbers of Persons HIV Positive, AIDS Cases and AIDS Related Deaths - Newfoundland and Labrador, 1984-1996

Year Population¹ Persons HIV Positive AIDS Cases Deaths From AIDS

Number Rate per 10,000 Population Number Rate per 10,000 Population Number Rate per 10,000 Population

1984 581,800 2 0.034 0 0.000 0 0.000

1985 580,900 21 0.362 0 0.000 0 0.000

1986 578,100 12 0.208 1 0.017 0 0.000

1987 576,500 12 0.208 5 0.087 2 0.035

1988 576,200 13 0.226 4 0.069 6 0.104

1989 577,400 12 0.208 5 0.087 2 0.035

1990 578,900 13 0.225 7 0.121 2 0.035

1991 580,300 24 0.414 6 0.103 4 0.069

1992 583,600 15 0.257 7 0.120 4 0.069

1993 584,500 17 0.291 6 0.103 11 0.188

1994 581,800 16 0.275 12 0.206 5 0.086

1995 577,500 7 0.121 6 0.104 10 0.173

1996 571,700 10 0.175 5 0.087 4 0.070

1997 563,600 6² 0.106 0² 0.000 2² 0.035

¹Population as of July 1
²As of September 30, 1997
Source: Disease Control and Epidemiology Division, Department of Health, October 1997; Newfoundland Statistics Agency, November 1997.

Appendix 24B

Environmental Effects Assessment Synthesis:
Family and Community
(Labrador North Coast)

Environmental Effects Assessment Synthesis: Family and Community (Labrador North Coast)

Project Phase Project Activity Environmental Effect Environmental Effects Criteria

Magnitude Geographic
Extent Timing/
Duration/
Frequency Reversibility Ecological/
Social/ Cultural
Context

Construction

Operations

Decommissioning

Post-Decommissioning

Appendix 24C

Family and Community
Upper Lake Melville

g
Table 1 Population Change - Upper Lake Melville, Labrador and Newfoundland & Labrador,
1981 to 1996

Community 1981 1986 Change
1981-86 (%) 1991 Change
1986-91 (%) 1996 Change
1991-96 (%)

Happy Valley-Goose Bay 7,103 7,248 2.0 8,610 18.8 8,655 0.5

North West River 515 526 2.1 528 0.4 567 7.4

Sheshatshiu/
Mud Lake 575 716 24.5 912 27.4 1,018 11.6

Upper Lake Melville (Total) 8,193 8,490 3.6 10,050 18.4 10,240 1.9

Labrador (Total) 31,318 28,741 -8.2 30,375 5.7 29,190 -3.9

Newfoundland & Labrador (Total) 567,681 568,349 0.1 568,474 0.02 551,792 -2.9

Source: Statistics Canada 1982; 1987; 1992, 1997a.

Table 2
Table 3

Table 4 Census Family Characteristics - Upper Lake Melville, Labrador and Newfoundland & Labrador, 1996

Happy Valley-
Goose Bay North West
River Sheshatshiu/
Mud Lake Upper Lake
Melville Labrador Newfoundland
& Labrador

Population 8,655 567 1,018 10,240 29,190 551,792

Census Family Size

Total Census Families 2,375 145 200 2,720 7,875 155,750

2 Persons/Family 755 35 50 840 2,270 57,345

3 Persons/Family 660 60 35 755 2,195 40,825

4 Persons/Family 680 25 30 735 2,240 40,215

5 or more Persons/Family 285 25 90 400 1,165 17,365

Type of Census Family

Husband-Wife Families 2,090 115 175 2,380 6,960 135,270

Lone Parent Families 285 30 30 345 915 20,480

Male Parent 55 - 10 65 220 3,245

Female Parent 225 25 20 270 695 17,235

Total Persons in Census Families 8,515 555 1,005 10,075 29,020 545,825

Average Number of Persons/Census Family 3.2 3.3 4.3 n/a 3.4 3.1

n/a Data Not Available
Census family "refers to now-married couple (with or without never-married sons and/or daughters of either or both spouses), a couple living common law (again with or without never-married sons and/or daughters of either or both spouses) or a lone parent of any marital status with at least one never-married son or daughter living in the same dwelling."
Source: Statistics Canada 1997b.

Table 5 Marital Status for Persons Aged 15 Years and Over - Upper Lake Melville, Labrador and Newfoundland & Labrador, 1996

Happy Valley -
Goose Bay North West
River Sheshatshiu/
Mud Lake Upper Lake
Melville Labrador Newfoundland
& Labrador

Population (³ 15 years) 6,445 455 565 7,465 22,055 442,000

Single (never married) 2,295 190 255 2,740 8,245 142,735

Married (not separated) 3,440 205 255 3,900 11,870 246,060

Married (separated) 155 15 15 185 425 8,010

Widowed 210 25 25 260 690 27,710

Divorced 345 20 20 385 825 17,490

Source: Statistics Canada 1997b.

Table 6 Number of Census Families by Income Group - Upper Lake Melville, Labrador and Newfoundland & Labrador, 1985 and 1990

Happy Valley -Goose Bay North West
River Sheshatshiu/
Mud Lake Upper Lake Melville Labrador Newfoundland & Labrador

1985 1990 1985 1990 1985 1990 1985 1990 1985 1990 1985 1990

Number of Census Families 1,730 2,235 145 155 125 170 2,000 2,560 6,735 7,620 142,125 150,715

< $10,000 170 135 15 15 40 50 225 200 630 440 16,950 10,220

$10,000-$19,999 190 125 45 15 35 45 270 185 1,010 705 39,595 25,095

$20,000-$29,999 325 200 25 30 20 25 370 255 1,075 790 30,095 26,140

$30,000-$39,999 470 335 25 20 10 15 505 370 1,695 910 23,520 25,405

$40,000-$49,999 255 370 10 10 5 15 270 395 1,205 950 14,875 19,955

> $50,000 325 1,070 20 50 - 20 345 1,140 1,130 3,820 17,095 43,890

Mean Income $34,948 $51,039 $29,850 $41,336 $17,418 $22,372 n/a n/a $34,310 $50,854 $28,880 $40,942

Median Income $33,575 $48,440 $22,499 $39,344 $14,332 $17,728 n/a n/a $34,312 $50,044 $24,458 $35,184

n/a Data Not Available
Source: Statistics Canada 1988; 1994

Table 7 Incidence of Low Income - Upper Lake Melville, Labrador and Newfoundland & Labrador, 1985 and 1990

Happy Valley -
Goose Bay North West
River Sheshatshiu/
Mud Lake Upper Lake
Melville Labrador Newfoundland
& Labrador

1985 1990 1985 1990 1985 1990 1985 1990 1985 1990 1985 1990

Total Unattached Individuals 380 450 30 30 20 30 430 510 1,155 1,405 25,425 33,125

Low Income Unattached Individuals 95 160
5
- 10 20 110
180 320 455 11,435 14,730

Incidence of Low Income (%) 25.1 35.6 20.5 0.0 45.5 65.4 n/a n/a 27.7 32.4 45.0 44.5

Persons in Private Households 6,905 8,255 625 535 700 895 8,230 9,635 28,355 29,825 558,995 557,455

Persons in Low Income Family Units 875 780 165 55 330 465 1,370 1,300 4,385 3,690 130,645 94,605

Incidence of Low Income (%) 12.7 9.4 25.9 9.7 46.9 51.9 n/a n/a 15.5 12.4 23.4 17.0

Total Economic Families 1,730 2,205 150 150 105 150 1,985 2,505 6,675 7,550 140,940 150,370

Low Income Economic Families 215 195 35 15 55 75 305 285 940 805 30,290 23,820

Incidence of Low Income (%) 12.3 8.7 24.2 11.3 50.0 50.0 n/a n/a 14.1 10.7 21.5 15.8

n/a Data Not Available
Economic family "refers to a group of two or more persons who live in the same dwelling and are related to each other by blood, marriage, common-law or adoption."
Source: Statistics Canada 1988; 1994.

Table 8 Select Crime Statistics -RCMP Happy Valley-Goose Bay Detachment, 1992 to 1996

Type of Crime 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996* Offences/capita (1996)

Offenses Against Persons

Homicide - 3 - - - 0.000

Assault 298 364 366 351 301 0.026

Robbery 1 6 5 2 1 0.000

Other 3 2 - - - 0.000

Total Offenses Against Persons 302 375 371 353 302 0.026

Offenses Against Property

Break and Entry 135 179 179 160 108 0.009

Motor Vehicle Theft 29 38 32 25 47 0.004

Theft Over $5,000 12 11 16 3 7 0.001

Theft Under $5,000 307 339 331 200 207 0.018

Having Stolen Goods 12 10 7 6 10 0.001

Fraud 36 55 48 45 24 0.002

Total Offenses Against Property 531 632 613 439 403 0.035

Other Select Offenses

Weapons 10 17 8 6 4 0.000

Drugs 13 16 26 36 30 0.003

Liquor 329 339 301 286 320 0.028

Traffic Offences 808 960 597 374 331 0.029

Other 1,446 1,278 1,207 1,010 1,034 0.122

Total Offences 3,439 3,617 3,123 2,504 2,424 0.212

* In 1996 the RCMP's Happy Valley-Goose Bay detachment policed the Upper Lake Melville communities of Happy Valley-Goose Bay, North West River, Sheshatshiu, and Mud Lake, as well as Rigolet, and the Eastern Labrador communities of Paradise River, Cartwright, Black Tickle and the surrounding area.
Source: Skanes, J. pers. comm.; Statistics Canada 1997a.

Table 9 Sexual Assault Rates per 1,000 Population - Happy Valley-Goose Bay, 1984 to 1991

Year Rate

1984 2.53

1985 1.22

1986 1.93

1987 3.28

1988 3.64

1989 3.47

1990 3.56

1991 4.70

Source: MacLaren Plansearch Limited 1994.

Table 10 New and Reopened Department of Social Services Spousal Abuse Cases by Community - Upper Lake Melville, 1993 to 1996

Community Year

1993 1994 1995 1996

Happy Valley-Goose Bay¹ 41 56 73 n/a

Sheshatshiu 17 3 6 5²

Total Upper Lake Melville 58 59 79 n/a

¹ Happy Valley-Goose Bay data include North West River, Mud Lake and Rigolet
² 1996 data include up to June 1996
n/a Data Not Available
Source: Elliott, D. pers. comm.

Table 11 Use of Libra House Services by Community - Upper Lake Melville, 1991 to 1995

Community Year

1991 1992 1993 1994 1995*

Happy Valley-Goose Bay

Number of Times Facilities Were Used 26 16 11 13 16

Number of Women Going to Libra House More than Once per Year 9 3 3 2 6

Children Accommodated 62 33 22 26 22

Total Women Accommodated 35 19 14 15 22

North West River

Number of Times Facilities Were Used 2 2 1 2 1

Number of Women Going to Libra House More than Once per Year 1 0 2 0 0

Children Accommodated 3 6 0 2 0

Total Women Accommodated n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a

Sheshatshiu

Number of Times Facilities Were Used 30 20 9 14 9

Number of Women Going to Libra House More than Once per Year 14 11 3 11 0

Children Accommodated 59 53 17 25 18

Total Women Accommodated n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a

Mud Lake

Number of Times Facilities Were Used n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a

Number of Women Going to Libra House More than Once per Year n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a

Children Accommodated n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a

Total Women Accommodated n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a

* January - May 1995
n/a Data Not Available
Source: O'Donnell, J. pers. comm.

Table 12 Number of Children in the Care of the Department of Social Services by Community and Level of Financial Assistance - Upper Lake Melville, 1992 to 1996

Community and Financial Assistance Year¹

1992 1993 1994 1995 1996

Happy Valley-Goose Bay²

Receiving Financial Assistance 18 19 24 14 22

Not Receiving Financial Assistance 0 0 1 0 0

Receiving Financial Assistance
(In care of extended family) 4 15 10 13 13

Sheshatshiu

Receiving Financial Assistance 14 10 11 10 11

Not Receiving Financial Assistance 4 6 0 0 0

Receiving Financial Assistance
(In care of extended family) 21 28 30 35 18

Total Children in Care 61 78 76 72 64

¹Fiscal year ending March 31 of each year.
² Happy Valley-Goose Bay data include North West River, Mud Lake and Rigolet.
Source: Elliott, D. pers. comm.

Table 13 Child Protection Referrals by Community - Upper Lake Melville, 1992 to 1995¹

1992 1993 1994 1995

Type of Referral Happy Valley-
Goose Bay² Sheshatshiu Happy Valley-
Goose Bay² Sheshatshiu Happy Valley-
Goose Bay² Sheshatshiu Happy Valley-
Goose Bay² Sheshatshiu

Current Investigations n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a

Neglect 66 27 55 15 12 0 3 1

Sexual Abuse by Family Member n/a n/a 6 0 0 0 0 0

Sexual Abuse by Third Party n/a n/a 10 0 5 0 1 0

Physical Abuse by Family Member n/a n/a 10 1 4 0 0 0

Physical Abuse by Third Party n/a n/a 0 0 0 0 0 0

Emotional Abuse by Family Member n/a n/a 0 1 0 0 0 0

Emotional Abuse by Third Party n/a n/a 0 0 0 0 0 0

Total Referrals 66 27 81 17 21 0 4 1

Total Upper Lake Melville 93 98 21 5

¹Fiscal year ending March 31 of each year.
² Happy Valley-Goose Bay data include North West River, Mud Lake and Rigolet.
n/a Data Not Available
Source: Elliott, D. pers. comm.

Table 14 Children Receiving Follow-up Services by Community - Upper Lake Melville, 1994 and 1995¹

1994 1995

Reason for Follow-up Service Happy Valley-
Goose Bay² Sheshatshiu Happy Valley-
Goose Bay² Sheshatshiu

Neglect 24 24 33 25

Sexual Abuse by Family Member 5 0 3 4

Sexual Abuse by Third Party 7 0 8 9

Physical Abuse by Family Member 6 0 3 1

Physical Abuse by Third Party 0 0 3 0

Emotional Abuse by Family Member 1 0 1 0

Emotional Abuse by Third Party 0 0 0 0

Total Follow-up Services 43 24 51 39

Total Upper Lake Melville 65 90

¹Fiscal year ending March 31 of each year.
² Happy Valley-Goose Bay data include North West River, Mud Lake and Rigolet.
Source: Elliott, D. pers. comm.

Appendix 24D

Family and Community
Western Labrador

Table 1

Table 2 Population by Age - Western Labrador, Labrador and Newfoundland & Labrador, 1991 and 1996

Subd. D., SUN* Labrador City Wabush Western Labrador Labrador Newfoundland & Labrador

1991 1996 1991 1996 1991 1996 1991 1996 1991 1996 1991 1996

Total 810 717 9,061 8,455 2,331 2,018 12,202 11,190 30,375 29,190 568,474 551,792

>65 yrs

Source: Statistics Canada 1992; 1997b.

Table 3 Census Family Characteristics - Western Labrador and Labrador, 1996

Subd. D, SUN* Labrador City Wabush Western Labrador Labrador

Population 717 8,455 2,018 11,190 29,190

Census Family Size

Total Census Families 200 2,385 620 3,205 7,875

2 Persons/Family 50 655 215 920 2,270

3 Persons/Family 45 695 200 940 2,195

4 Persons/Family 80 780 145 1,005 2,240

5 or more Persons/Family 25 260 65 350 1,165

Type of Census Family

Husband-Wife Families 190 2,150 550 2,890 6,960

Lone Parent Families 10 240 70 320 915

Male Parent - 70 15 85 220

Female Parent 10 165 55 230 695

Total Persons in Census Families 715 8,450 2,020 11,185 29,020

Average Number of Persons/Census Family 3.5 3.3 3.1 n/a 3.4

* The unincorporated area of Western Labrador (i.e. the community of Churchill Falls)
n/a Data Not Available
Census family "refers to now-married couple (with or without never-married sons and/or daughters of either or both spouses), a couple living common law (again with or without never-married sons and/or daughters of either or both spouses) or a lone parent of any marital status with at least one never-married son or daughter living in the same dwelling."
Source: Statistics Canada 1997b.

Table 4 Number of Census Families by Income Group - Western Labrador and Labrador, 1990

Subd. D
SUN* Labrador City Wabush Western Labrador Labrador

Number of Census Familes 205 2,385 615 3,205 7,620

<$10,000 - 110 - 110 440

$10,000-$19,999 - 45 10 55 705

$20,000-$29,999 - 55 - 55 790

$30,000-$39,999 10 155 40 205 910

$40,000-$49,999 25 270 45 340 950

$50,000-$59,999 45 520 165 730 1,215

$60,000-$69,999 25 520 145 690 1,020

>$70,000 90 700 210 1,000 1,585

Mean Income $67,641 $63,488 $66,552 n/a $50,854

Median Income $66,646 $60,176 $64,290 n/a $50,044

* The unincorporated area of Western Labrador (i.e. the community of Churchill Falls)
n/a Data Not Available
Source: Statistics Canada 1994

Table 5 Incidence of Low Income - Western Labrador and Labrador, 1990

Subd. D SUN* Labrador City Wabush Western Labrador Labrador

Total Unattached Individuals 40 400 85 525 1,405

Low Income Unattached Individuals - 95 15 110 455

Incidence of Low Income (%) - 23.7 18.5 n/a 32.4

Persons in Private Households 800 9,000 2,320 12,120 29,825

Persons in Low Income Family Units - 500 40 540 3,690

Incidence of Low Income (%) - 5.5 1.7 n/a 12.4

Total Economic Families 205 2,390 610 3,205 7,550

Low Income Economic Families - 135 - 135 805

Incidence of Low Income (%) - 5.7 0.9 n/a 10.7

* The unincorporated area of Western Labrador (i.e. the community of Churchill Falls)
n/a Data Not Available
Economic family "refers to a group of two or more persons who live in the same dwelling and are related to each other by blood, marriage, common-law or adoption."
Source: Statistics Canada 1994.

Table 6 Total Offenses - Western and Eastern Labrador and the Labrador Straits, 1993 to 1996

1993 1994 1995 1996 Population
(1996) Offenses/Capita
(1996)

Western Labrador¹ 3,224 2,611 2,612 2,258 11,190 0.202

Cartwright² 186 133 97 - 933³ -

Mary's Harbour⁴ 96 93 100 36 1,943⁵ 0.019

Forteau⁶ 313 211 232 196 2,062 0.095

¹ Police services in Labrador West are provided by the Royal Newfoundland Constabulary (RNC), with one detachment in Labrador City and Wabush, and another in Churchill Falls.
² The Cartwright detachment included the communities of Paradise River, Cartwright, Black Tickle and the surrounding area. (The detachment closed on June 1, 1996 - policing in the area is now provided from Happy Valley-Goose Bay.)
³ Includes an estimated 305 persons from the unincorporated communities in the area.
⁴ The RCMP detachment in Mary's Harbour serves the portion of the Eastern Labrador region south of Black Tickle.
⁵ Includes an estimated 250 persons from the unincorporated communities in the area.
⁶ Police services in the Labrador Straits region (i.e. the communities from L'Anse au Clair to Red Bay) are provided by the RCMP detachment in Forteau.
Source: Skanes, J. pers. comm.; RNC 1995; 1997; Statistics Canada 1997a.

Table 7 Offenses Against Persons - Western and Eastern Labrador and the Labrador Straits, 1996

Offenses Against Persons (1996) Population (1996) Offenses/Capita (1996)

Western Labrador 131 11,190 0.012

Cartwright - 933 -

Mary's Harbour 9 1,943 0.005

Forteau 8 2,062 0.004

Source. Skanes J. pers. comm.; RNC 1997; Statistics Canada 1997a.

Appendix 24E

Family and Community
Eastern Labrador

Table 1 Population Change - Eastern Labrador and Labrador, 1981 to 1996

Community 1981 1986 Change
1981-86 (%) 1991 Change
1986-91 (%) 1996 Change
1991-96 (%)

Subd. B, SUN¹ 1,162² 623 n/a 636 2.1 555 -12.7

Port Hope Simpson 581 604 4.0 614 1.7 577 -6.0

St. Lewis n/a 339 n/a 339 - 312 -8.0

Mary's Harbour 408 463 13.5 470 1.5 474 0.9

Cartwright 658 674 2.4 611 -9.3 628 2.8

Charlottetown n/a 286 n/a 292 2.1 330 13.0

Eastern Labrador (Total) 2,809 2,989 6.4 2,962 -0.9 2,876 -2.9

Labrador (Total) 31,318 28,741 -8.2 30,375 5.7 29,190 -3.9

¹The unincorporated area of Eastern Labrador
²Included St. Lewis and Charlottetown in 1981
n/a Data Not Available
Source: Statistics Canada 1982; 1987; 1992; 1997a.

Table 2

Table 3 Census Family Characteristics - Eastern Labrador and Labrador, 1996

Subd. B, SUN* Port Hope Simpson St. Lewis Mary's Harbour Cartwright Charlottetown Eastern Labrador Labrador

Population 555 577 312 474 628 330 2,876 29,190

Census Family Size

Total Census Families 140 140 80 125 175 90 750 7,875

2 Persons/Family 40 30 15 30 60 20 195 2,270

3 Persons/Family 35 35 30 30 55 25 210 2,195

4 Persons/Family 40 50 15 40 40 30 215 2,240

5 or more Persons/Family 30 30 20 20 20 15 135 1,165

Type of Census Family

Husband-Wife Families 125 130 70 110 135 75 645 6,960

Lone Parent Families 15 15 10 10 35 10 95 915

Male Parent - - - - 10 10 20 220

Female Parent 15 10 10 15 25 10 85 695

Total Persons in Census Families 550 580 310 475 625 330 2,870 29,020

Average Number of Persons/Census Family 3.5 3.6 3.6 3.5 3.1 3.5 n/a 3.4

* The unincorporated area of Eastern Labrador
n/a Data Not Available
Census family "refers to now-married couple (with or without never-married sons and/or daughters of either or both spouses), a couple living common law (again with or without never-married sons and/or daughters of either or both spouses) or a lone parent of any marital status with at least one never-married son or daughter living in the same dwelling."
Source: Statistics Canada 1997b

Table 4 Number of Census Families by Income Group - Eastern Labrador and Labrador, 1990

Subd. B, SUN* Port Hope Simpson St. Lewis Mary's Harbour Cartwright Charlottetown Eastern Labrador Labrador

Number of Census Families 140 130 80 110 160 75 695 7,620

<$10,000 10 - - - - 10 20 440

$10,000-$19,999 40 40 20 15 45 10 170 705

$20,000-$29,999 40 35 15 30 50 30 200 790

$30,000-$39,999 35 20 - 25 30 10 120 910

$40,000-$49,999 15 15 15 15 10 10 80 950

$50,000-$59,999 10 10 - 15 10 10 55 1,215

$60,000-$69,999 - 10 - - 10 10 30 1,020

>$70,000 10 10 - - 10 - 30 1,585

Mean Income $27,868 $31,588 $36,342 $35,269 $29,077 $30,959 n/a $50,854

Median Income $24,320 $25,728 $29,120 $31,776 $25,152 $26,688 n/a $50,044

* The unincorporated area of Eastern Labrador
n/a Data Not Available
Source: Statistics Canada 1994

Table 5

Appendix 24F

Family and Community
Labrador Straits

Table 1 Population Change - Labrador Straits and Labrador, 1981 to 1996

Community 1981 1986 Change
1981-86 (%) 1991 Change
1986-91 (%) 1996 Change
1991-96 (%)

Subd. A, SUN* 77 75 -2.6 101 34.7 83 -17.8

L'Anse au Loup 589 655 11.2 630 -3.8 621 -1.4

Red Bay 316 334 5.7 288 -13.8 275 -4.5

L'Anse au Clair 267 279 4.5 263 -5.7 264 0.4

Forteau 520 580 11.5 518 -10.7 505 -2.5

West St. Modeste 273 221 -19.0 202 -8.6 170 -15.8

Pinware 201 196 -2.5 175 -10.7 144 -17.7

Labrador Straits (Total) 2,243 2,340 4.3 2,177 -7.0 2,062 -5.3

Labrador (Total) 31,318 28,741 -8.2 30,375 5.7 29,190 -3.9

* The unincorporated area of the Labrador Straits
Source: Statistics Canada 1982; 1987; 1992; 1997a.

Table 2

Table 3 Census Family Characteristics - Labrador Straits and Labrador, 1996

Subd. A SUN*, L'Anse au Loup Red Bay L'Anse au Clair Forteau West St. Modeste Pinware Labrador Straits Labrador

Population 83 621 275 264 505 170 144 2,062 29,190

Census Family Size

Total Census Families 30 190 75 70 140 50 35 590 7,875

2 Persons/Family 10 50 15 15 40 10 15 155 2,270

3 Persons/Family - 60 20 25 45 25 - 175 2,195

4 Persons/Family 15 55 15 20 20 10 10 145 2,240

5 or more Persons/Family - 20 20 15 30 - - 85 1,165

Type of Census Family

Husband-Wife Families 20 175 75 55 125 50 30 530 6,960

Lone Parent Families - 10 10 15 10 - 10 55 915

Male Parent - - - - 10 - 10 20 220

Female Parent - 15 10 15 10 - - 50 695

Total Persons in Census Families 90 645 280 260 495 170 125 2,065 29,020

Average Number of Persons/Census Family 3.3 3.3 3.5 3.4 3.3 3.1 3.2 n/a 3.4

* The unincorporated area of the Labrador Straits
n/a Data Not Available
Census family "refers to now-married couple (with or without never-married sons and/or daughters of either or both spouses), a couple living common law (again with or without never-married sons and/or daughters of either or both spouses) or a lone parent of any marital status with at least one never-married son or daughter living in the same dwelling." Source: Statistics Canada 1997b.

Table 4 Number of Census Families by Income Group - Labrador Straits and Labrador, 1990

Subd. A SUN¹ L'Anse au Loup Red Bay L'Anse au Clair Forteau West St. Modeste Pinware Labrador Straits² Labrador

Number of Census Families n/a 165 80 60 135 n/a n/a 440 7,620

<$10,000 n/a - - - 10 n/a n/a 10 440

$10,000-$19,999 n/a 10 30 20 20 n/a n/a 80 705

$20,000-$29,999 n/a 40 30 15 25 n/a n/a 110 790

$30,000-$39,999 n/a 35 20 10 20 n/a n/a 85 910

$40,000-$49,999 n/a 30 - - 40 n/a n/a 70 950

$50,000-$59,999 n/a 20 - 10 15 n/a n/a 45 1,215

$60,000-$69,999 n/a 15 - - - n/a n/a 15 1,020

>$70,000 n/a - - 10 10 n/a n/a 20 1,585

Mean Income n/a $40,101 $23,646 $36,692 $36,449 n/a n/a n/a $50,854

Median Income n/a $37,100 $22,454 $26,753 $37,405 n/a n/a n/a $50,044

¹ The unincorporated area of the Labrador Straits
² Does not include data for Subd. A, West St. Modeste and Pinware
n/a Data Not Available
Source: Statistics Canada 1994

Table 5 Incidence of Low Income - Labrador Straits and Labrador, 1990

Subd. A SUN¹ L'Anse au Loup Red Bay L'Anse au Clair Forteau West St. Modeste Pinware Labrador Straits² Labrador

Total Unattached Individuals n/a 25 15 10 10 n/a n/a 60 1,405

Low Income Unattached Individuals n/a 10 - - 10 n/a n/a 20 455

Incidence of Low Income (%) n/a 50.1 - - 70.8 n/a n/a n/a 32.4

Persons in Private Households n/a 625 305 260 485 n/a n/a 1,675 29,825

Persons in Low Income Family Units n/a 65 20 55 50 n/a n/a 190 3,690

Incidence of Low Income (%) n/a 9.9 6.3 20.7 9.8 n/a n/a n/a 12.4

Total Economic Families n/a 160 80 65 145 n/a n/a 450 7,550

Low Income Economic Families n/a 10 10 10 10 n/a n/a 40 805

Incidence of Low Income (%) n/a 5.3 5.9 18.9 6.5 n/a n/a n/a 10.7

¹ The unincorporated area of the Labrador Straits
² Does not include data for Subd. A, West St. Modeste and Pinware
n/a Data Not Available
Economic family "refers to a group of two or more persons who live in the same dwelling and are related to each other by blood, marriage, common-law or adoption."
Source: Statistics Canada 1994.

Appendix 24G

Environmental Effects Synthesis:
Family and Community
(Other Areas of Newfoundland and Labrador)

fg
Environmental Effects Assessment Synthesis: Family and Community Other Areas of Labrador and Newfoundland

Project Phase Magnitude Geographic
Extent Timing/
Duration/
Frequency Reversibility Ecological/
Social/ Cultural
Context

Construction transportation work-related stress (fear of flying) low other areas¹ construction high may affect services and infrastructure

employment and income work-related stress medium other areas construction high may affect services and infrastructure

managing income low other areas construction high may affect services and infrastructure

cost of living increase medium Upper Lake Melville construction medium may affect services and infrastructure

social and health problems medium other areas construction high may affect services and infrastructure

work schedule work-related stress low other areas construction high may affect services and infrastructure

marital and family stress low other areas construction high may affect services and infrastructure

social and health problems low other areas construction high may affect services and infrastructure

Project expenditures cost of living increase low Upper Lake Melville construction medium may affect services and infrastructure

social and health problems low Upper Lake Melville construction high may affect services and infrastructure

demographic change cost of living increase low Upper Lake Melville construction medium may affect services and infrastructure

marital and family stress low Upper Lake Melville construction high may affect services and infrastructure

social and health problems low Upper Lake Melville construction high may affect services and infrastructure

operations shutdown/mine closure work-related stress medium other areas construction high may affect services and infrastructure

marital and family stress medium other areas construction high may affect services and infrastructure

social and health problems medium other areas construction high may affect services and infrastructure

accident event work-related stress high other areas construction low may affect services and infrastructure

marital and family stress high other areas construction low may affect services and infrastructure

Operations transportation work-related stress
low other areas operations high may affect services and infrastructure

employment and income work-related stress medium other areas operations high may affect services and infrastructure

managing income low other areas start of open pit and underground operations high may affect services and infrastructure

cost of living increase medium Upper Lake Melville start of open pit and underground operations medium may affect services and infrastructure

social and health problems medium other areas operations high may affect services and infrastructure

work schedule work-related stress low other areas operations high may affect services and infrastructure

marital and family stress low other areas operations high may affect services and infrastructure

social and health problems low other areas operations high may affect services and infrastructure

Project expenditures cost of living increase low Upper lake Melville start of open pit and underground operations medium may affect services and infrastructure

social and health problems low Upper Lake Melville operations high may affect services and infrastructure

demographic change cost of living increase low Upper Lake Melville start of open pit and underground operations medium may affect services and infrastructure

marital and family stress low Upper Lake Melville start of open pit and underground operations high may affect services and infrastructure

social and health problems low Upper Lake Melville start of open pit and underground operations high may affect services and infrastructure

operations shutdown/mine closure work-related stress medium

low Upper Lake Melville, Western Labrador
other areas operations high may affect services and infrastructure

marital and family stress medium

low Upper Lake Melville, Western Labrador
other areas operations high may affect services and infrastructure

low other areas

social and health problems medium

Upper Lake Melville, Western Labrador
other areas operations high may affect services and infrastructure

low

accident event work-related stress high other areas operations low may affect services and infrastructure

marital and family stress high other areas
operations low may affect services and infrastructure

Decommissioning employment and income marital and family stress low Upper Lake Melville, Western Labrador decommissioning high may affect services and infrastructure

social and health problems low Upper Lake Melville, Western Labrador decommissioning high may affect services and infrastructure

Post-Decomm. employment and income marital and family stress medium

Upper Lake Melville, Western Labrador
post-decommissioning high may affect services and infrastructure

low other areas

social and health problems medium

low Upper Lake Melville, Western Labrador
other areas post-decommissioning high may affect services and infrastructure

low other areas

¹ Other areas of Newfoundland and Labrador, including Upper Lake Melville and Western Labrador

Community	Year
	1991	1992	1993	1994	1995*
Nain
Number of Times Facilities Were Used	14	16	29	11	7
Number of Women Going to Libra House More than Once per Year	5	4	5	3	0
Children Accommodated	32	36	48	12	16
Total Women Accommodated	n/a	n/a	n/a	n/a	n/a
Utshimassits
Number of Times Facilities Were Used	12	9	6	8	5
Number of Women Going to Libra House More than Once per Year	1	3	0	0	1
Children Accommodated	20	25	15	26	11
Total Women Accommodated	n/a	n/a	n/a	n/a	n/a
Hopedale
Number of Times Facilities Were Used	9	7	4	2	1
Number of Women Going to Libra House More than Once per Year	1	2	0	0	1
Children Accommodated	14	10	13	3	1
Total Women Accommodated	n/a	n/a	n/a	n/a	n/a
Makkovik
Number of Times Facilities Were Used	3	0	0	0	0
Number of Women Going to Libra House More than Once per Year	0	0	0	0	0
Children Accommodated	3	0	0	0	0
Total Women Accommodated	n/a	n/a	n/a	n/a	n/a
Postville
Number of Times Facilities Were Used	2	1	1	0	0
Number of Women Going to Libra House More than Once per Year	0	0	0	0	0
Children Accommodated	0	3	3	0	0
Total Women Accommodated	n/a	n/a	n/a	n/a	n/a
* January - May 1995 n/a Data Not Available Source: O'Donnell, J. pers. comm.

Community and Financial Assistance	Year¹
	1992	1993	1994	1995	1996
Nain
Receiving Financial Assistance	14	16	17	19	17
Not Receiving Financial Assistance	1	0	0	1	0
Receiving Financial Assistance (In care of extended family)	11	12	9	13	7
Utshimassits
Receiving Financial Assistance	4	1	4	3	3
Not Receiving Financial Assistance	1	1	1	0	0
Receiving Financial Assistance (In care of extended family)	15	13	17	17	35
Hopedale²
Receiving Financial Assistance	7	8	9	10	7
Not Receiving Financial Assistance	0	2	1	0	0
Receiving Financial Assistance (In care of extended family)	6	10	10	9	7
Total Children in Care	59	63	68	72	76
¹ Fiscal year ending March 31 of each year. ² Hopedale data include Makkovik and Postville (Rigolet is included in data for Happy Valley-Goose Bay). Source: Elliott, D. pers. comm.

	1994			1995
Reason for Follow-up Service	Nain	Utshimassits	Hopedale²	Nain	Utshimassits	Hopedale²
Neglect	85	27	24	84	59	32
Sexual Abuse by Family Member	0	8	0	0	4	1
Sexual Abuse by Third Party	0	4	2	0	11	2
Physical Abuse by Family Member	0	6	0	4	8	0
Physical Abuse by Third Party	0	0	0	0	0	0
Emotional Abuse by Family Member	0	0	0	0	0	0
Emotional Abuse by Third Party	0	0	0	0	0	0
Total Follow-up Services	85	45	26	88	82	35
Total Labrador North Coast	156			205
¹ Fiscal year ending March 31 of each year. ² Hopedale data include Makkovik and Postville (Rigolet is included in data for Happy Valley-Goose Bay). Source: Elliott, D. pers. comm.

Period	Reported Cases
July 18, 1991 - July 18, 1992	24
July 19, 1992 - July 18, 1993	89
July 19, 1993 - December 31, 1993	90
January 1, 1994 - December 31, 1994	35
January 1, 1995 - June 28, 1995	20
Source: Alton Mackey 1995

	Number of Teenage Pregnancies	Female Population Aged 15-19 (1996)	Teenage Pregnancy Rate
Nain	8	55	0.145
Utshimasits	4	20	0.200
Hopedate	4	20	0.200
Makkovik	-	10	0.000
Postville	-	10	0.000
Rigolet	-	10	0.000
Labrador North Coast	16	125	0.128
Sheshatshiu	11	40¹	0.275
Northern Newfoundland²	119	2,220	0.054
Newfoundland & Labrador	896	22,450	0.040
¹Sheshatshiu population by age and gender not available. Per capita value calculated using population of Census Division 10, Subd. C, SUN (i.e. Sheshatshiu/Mud Lake). ² Includes Harbour Deep, Roddickton, Reef's Harbour to St. Anthony and all of Labrador Source: Jackman, G. pers. comm.; Statistics Canada 1997b.

Year	Population¹	Persons HIV Positive		AIDS Cases		Deaths From AIDS
		Number	Rate per 10,000 Population	Number	Rate per 10,000 Population		Number	Rate per 10,000 Population
1984	581,800	2	0.034	0	0.000		0	0.000
1985	580,900	21	0.362	0	0.000		0	0.000
1986	578,100	12	0.208	1	0.017		0	0.000
1987	576,500	12	0.208	5	0.087		2	0.035
1988	576,200	13	0.226	4	0.069		6	0.104
1989	577,400	12	0.208	5	0.087		2	0.035
1990	578,900	13	0.225	7	0.121		2	0.035
1991	580,300	24	0.414	6	0.103		4	0.069
1992	583,600	15	0.257	7	0.120		4	0.069
1993	584,500	17	0.291	6	0.103		11	0.188
1994	581,800	16	0.275	12	0.206		5	0.086
1995	577,500	7	0.121	6	0.104		10	0.173
1996	571,700	10	0.175	5	0.087		4	0.070
1997	563,600	6²	0.106	0²	0.000		2²	0.035
¹Population as of July 1 ²As of September 30, 1997 Source: Disease Control and Epidemiology Division, Department of Health, October 1997; Newfoundland Statistics Agency, November 1997.

Project Phase	Project Activity	Environmental Effect	Environmental Effects Criteria
			Magnitude	Geographic Extent	Timing/ Duration/ Frequency	Reversibility	Ecological/ Social/ Cultural Context
Construction




















Operations



















Decommissioning

Post-Decommissioning

Community	1981	1986	Change 1981-86 (%)	1991	Change 1986-91 (%)	1996	Change 1991-96 (%)
Happy Valley-Goose Bay	7,103	7,248	2.0	8,610	18.8	8,655	0.5
North West River	515	526	2.1	528	0.4	567	7.4
Sheshatshiu/ Mud Lake	575	716	24.5	912	27.4	1,018	11.6
Upper Lake Melville (Total)	8,193	8,490	3.6	10,050	18.4	10,240	1.9
Labrador (Total)	31,318	28,741	-8.2	30,375	5.7	29,190	-3.9
Newfoundland & Labrador (Total)	567,681	568,349	0.1	568,474	0.02	551,792	-2.9
Source: Statistics Canada 1982; 1987; 1992, 1997a.

	Happy Valley- Goose Bay	North West River	Sheshatshiu/ Mud Lake	Upper Lake Melville	Labrador	Newfoundland & Labrador
Population	8,655	567	1,018	10,240	29,190	551,792
Census Family Size
Total Census Families	2,375	145	200	2,720	7,875	155,750
2 Persons/Family	755	35	50	840	2,270	57,345
3 Persons/Family	660	60	35	755	2,195	40,825
4 Persons/Family	680	25	30	735	2,240	40,215
5 or more Persons/Family	285	25	90	400	1,165	17,365
Type of Census Family
Husband-Wife Families	2,090	115	175	2,380	6,960	135,270
Lone Parent Families	285	30	30	345	915	20,480
Male Parent	55	-	10	65	220	3,245
Female Parent	225	25	20	270	695	17,235
Total Persons in Census Families	8,515	555	1,005	10,075	29,020	545,825
Average Number of Persons/Census Family	3.2	3.3	4.3	n/a	3.4	3.1
n/a Data Not Available Census family "refers to now-married couple (with or without never-married sons and/or daughters of either or both spouses), a couple living common law (again with or without never-married sons and/or daughters of either or both spouses) or a lone parent of any marital status with at least one never-married son or daughter living in the same dwelling." Source: Statistics Canada 1997b.

	Happy Valley - Goose Bay	North West River	Sheshatshiu/ Mud Lake	Upper Lake Melville	Labrador	Newfoundland & Labrador
Population (³ 15 years)	6,445	455	565	7,465	22,055	442,000
Single (never married)	2,295	190	255	2,740	8,245	142,735
Married (not separated)	3,440	205	255	3,900	11,870	246,060
Married (separated)	155	15	15	185	425	8,010
Widowed	210	25	25	260	690	27,710
Divorced	345	20	20	385	825	17,490
Source: Statistics Canada 1997b.

	Happy Valley -Goose Bay			North West River			Sheshatshiu/ Mud Lake			Upper Lake Melville			Labrador			Newfoundland & Labrador
		1985	1990		1985	1990		1985	1990		1985	1990		1985	1990		1985	1990
Number of Census Families		1,730	2,235		145	155		125	170		2,000	2,560		6,735	7,620		142,125	150,715
< $10,000		170	135		15	15		40	50		225	200		630	440		16,950	10,220
$10,000-$19,999		190	125		45	15		35	45		270	185		1,010	705		39,595	25,095
$20,000-$29,999		325	200		25	30		20	25		370	255		1,075	790		30,095	26,140
$30,000-$39,999		470	335		25	20		10	15		505	370		1,695	910		23,520	25,405
$40,000-$49,999		255	370		10	10		5	15		270	395		1,205	950		14,875	19,955
> $50,000		325	1,070		20	50		-	20		345	1,140		1,130	3,820		17,095	43,890
Mean Income		$34,948	$51,039		$29,850	$41,336		$17,418	$22,372		n/a	n/a		$34,310	$50,854		$28,880	$40,942
Median Income		$33,575	$48,440		$22,499	$39,344		$14,332	$17,728		n/a	n/a		$34,312	$50,044		$24,458	$35,184
n/a Data Not Available Source: Statistics Canada 1988; 1994

Type of Crime	1992	1993	1994	1995	1996*	Offences/capita (1996)
Offenses Against Persons
Homicide	-	3	-	-	-	0.000
Assault	298	364	366	351	301	0.026
Robbery	1	6	5	2	1	0.000
Other	3	2	-	-	-	0.000
Total Offenses Against Persons	302	375	371	353	302	0.026
Offenses Against Property
Break and Entry	135	179	179	160	108	0.009
Motor Vehicle Theft	29	38	32	25	47	0.004
Theft Over $5,000	12	11	16	3	7	0.001
Theft Under $5,000	307	339	331	200	207	0.018
Having Stolen Goods	12	10	7	6	10	0.001
Fraud	36	55	48	45	24	0.002
Total Offenses Against Property	531	632	613	439	403	0.035
Other Select Offenses
Weapons	10	17	8	6	4	0.000
Drugs	13	16	26	36	30	0.003
Liquor	329	339	301	286	320	0.028
Traffic Offences	808	960	597	374	331	0.029
Other	1,446	1,278	1,207	1,010	1,034	0.122
Total Offences	3,439	3,617	3,123	2,504	2,424	0.212
* In 1996 the RCMP's Happy Valley-Goose Bay detachment policed the Upper Lake Melville communities of Happy Valley-Goose Bay, North West River, Sheshatshiu, and Mud Lake, as well as Rigolet, and the Eastern Labrador communities of Paradise River, Cartwright, Black Tickle and the surrounding area. Source: Skanes, J. pers. comm.; Statistics Canada 1997a.

Year	Rate
1984	2.53
1985	1.22
1986	1.93
1987	3.28
1988	3.64
1989	3.47
1990	3.56
1991	4.70
Source: MacLaren Plansearch Limited 1994.

	Subd. D, SUN*	Labrador City	Wabush	Western Labrador	Labrador
Population	717	8,455	2,018	11,190	29,190
Census Family Size
Total Census Families	200	2,385	620	3,205	7,875
2 Persons/Family	50	655	215	920	2,270
3 Persons/Family	45	695	200	940	2,195
4 Persons/Family	80	780	145	1,005	2,240
5 or more Persons/Family	25	260	65	350	1,165
Type of Census Family
Husband-Wife Families	190	2,150	550	2,890	6,960
Lone Parent Families	10	240	70	320	915
Male Parent	-	70	15	85	220
Female Parent	10	165	55	230	695
Total Persons in Census Families	715	8,450	2,020	11,185	29,020
Average Number of Persons/Census Family	3.5	3.3	3.1	n/a	3.4
* The unincorporated area of Western Labrador (i.e. the community of Churchill Falls) n/a Data Not Available Census family "refers to now-married couple (with or without never-married sons and/or daughters of either or both spouses), a couple living common law (again with or without never-married sons and/or daughters of either or both spouses) or a lone parent of any marital status with at least one never-married son or daughter living in the same dwelling." Source: Statistics Canada 1997b.

	Subd. D SUN*	Labrador City	Wabush	Western Labrador	Labrador
Number of Census Familes	205	2,385	615	3,205	7,620
<$10,000	-	110	-	110	440
$10,000-$19,999	-	45	10	55	705
$20,000-$29,999	-	55	-	55	790
$30,000-$39,999	10	155	40	205	910
$40,000-$49,999	25	270	45	340	950
$50,000-$59,999	45	520	165	730	1,215
$60,000-$69,999	25	520	145	690	1,020
>$70,000	90	700	210	1,000	1,585
Mean Income	$67,641	$63,488	$66,552	n/a	$50,854
Median Income	$66,646	$60,176	$64,290	n/a	$50,044
* The unincorporated area of Western Labrador (i.e. the community of Churchill Falls) n/a Data Not Available Source: Statistics Canada 1994

	Subd. D SUN*	Labrador City	Wabush	Western Labrador	Labrador
Total Unattached Individuals	40	400	85	525	1,405
Low Income Unattached Individuals	-	95	15	110	455
Incidence of Low Income (%)	-	23.7	18.5	n/a	32.4
Persons in Private Households	800	9,000	2,320	12,120	29,825
Persons in Low Income Family Units	-	500	40	540	3,690
Incidence of Low Income (%)	-	5.5	1.7	n/a	12.4
Total Economic Families	205	2,390	610	3,205	7,550
Low Income Economic Families	-	135	-	135	805
Incidence of Low Income (%)	-	5.7	0.9	n/a	10.7
* The unincorporated area of Western Labrador (i.e. the community of Churchill Falls) n/a Data Not Available Economic family "refers to a group of two or more persons who live in the same dwelling and are related to each other by blood, marriage, common-law or adoption." Source: Statistics Canada 1994.

	Offenses Against Persons (1996)	Population (1996)	Offenses/Capita (1996)
Western Labrador	131	11,190	0.012
Cartwright	-	933	-
Mary's Harbour	9	1,943	0.005
Forteau	8	2,062	0.004
Source. Skanes J. pers. comm.; RNC 1997; Statistics Canada 1997a.

	Subd. B, SUN*	Port Hope Simpson	St. Lewis	Mary's Harbour	Cartwright	Charlottetown	Eastern Labrador	Labrador
Population	555	577	312	474	628	330	2,876	29,190
Census Family Size
Total Census Families	140	140	80	125	175	90	750	7,875
2 Persons/Family	40	30	15	30	60	20	195	2,270
3 Persons/Family	35	35	30	30	55	25	210	2,195
4 Persons/Family	40	50	15	40	40	30	215	2,240
5 or more Persons/Family	30	30	20	20	20	15	135	1,165
Type of Census Family
Husband-Wife Families	125	130	70	110	135	75	645	6,960
Lone Parent Families	15	15	10	10	35	10	95	915
Male Parent	-	-	-	-	10	10	20	220
Female Parent	15	10	10	15	25	10	85	695
Total Persons in Census Families	550	580	310	475	625	330	2,870	29,020
Average Number of Persons/Census Family	3.5	3.6	3.6	3.5	3.1	3.5	n/a	3.4
* The unincorporated area of Eastern Labrador n/a Data Not Available Census family "refers to now-married couple (with or without never-married sons and/or daughters of either or both spouses), a couple living common law (again with or without never-married sons and/or daughters of either or both spouses) or a lone parent of any marital status with at least one never-married son or daughter living in the same dwelling." Source: Statistics Canada 1997b

	*Subd. A SUN,**	L'Anse au Loup	Red Bay	L'Anse au Clair	Forteau	West St. Modeste	Pinware	Labrador Straits	Labrador
Population	83	621	275	264	505	170	144	2,062	29,190
Census Family Size
Total Census Families	30	190	75	70	140	50	35	590	7,875
2 Persons/Family	10	50	15	15	40	10	15	155	2,270
3 Persons/Family	-	60	20	25	45	25	-	175	2,195
4 Persons/Family	15	55	15	20	20	10	10	145	2,240
5 or more Persons/Family	-	20	20	15	30	-	-	85	1,165
Type of Census Family
Husband-Wife Families	20	175	75	55	125	50	30	530	6,960
Lone Parent Families	-	10	10	15	10	-	10	55	915
Male Parent	-	-	-	-	10	-	10	20	220
Female Parent	-	15	10	15	10	-	-	50	695
Total Persons in Census Families	90	645	280	260	495	170	125	2,065	29,020
Average Number of Persons/Census Family	3.3	3.3	3.5	3.4	3.3	3.1	3.2	n/a	3.4
* The unincorporated area of the Labrador Straits n/a Data Not Available Census family "refers to now-married couple (with or without never-married sons and/or daughters of either or both spouses), a couple living common law (again with or without never-married sons and/or daughters of either or both spouses) or a lone parent of any marital status with at least one never-married son or daughter living in the same dwelling." Source: Statistics Canada 1997b.

	Subd. A SUN¹	L'Anse au Loup	Red Bay	L'Anse au Clair	Forteau	West St. Modeste	Pinware	Labrador Straits²	Labrador
Number of Census Families	n/a	165	80	60	135	n/a	n/a	440	7,620
<$10,000	n/a	-	-	-	10	n/a	n/a	10	440
$10,000-$19,999	n/a	10	30	20	20	n/a	n/a	80	705
$20,000-$29,999	n/a	40	30	15	25	n/a	n/a	110	790
$30,000-$39,999	n/a	35	20	10	20	n/a	n/a	85	910
$40,000-$49,999	n/a	30	-	-	40	n/a	n/a	70	950
$50,000-$59,999	n/a	20	-	10	15	n/a	n/a	45	1,215
$60,000-$69,999	n/a	15	-	-	-	n/a	n/a	15	1,020
>$70,000	n/a	-	-	10	10	n/a	n/a	20	1,585
Mean Income	n/a	$40,101	$23,646	$36,692	$36,449	n/a	n/a	n/a	$50,854
Median Income	n/a	$37,100	$22,454	$26,753	$37,405	n/a	n/a	n/a	$50,044
¹ The unincorporated area of the Labrador Straits ² Does not include data for Subd. A, West St. Modeste and Pinware n/a Data Not Available Source: Statistics Canada 1994